封面:《无法抗拒:可爱如何连接我们的大脑并征服世界》作者:约书亚·保罗·戴尔

i

无法抗拒

Irresistible

可爱如何连接我们的大脑

并征服世界

How Cuteness Wired our Brains

and Conquered the World

约书亚·保罗·戴尔

Joshua Paul Dale

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感谢我的母亲,她总是在我小时候给我读书,

感谢我的祖母,她写了

很多她读过的书。

To my mother for constantly reading to me as a child,

and to my grandmother for writing

many of the books she readiv

介绍

Introduction

0.1霓虹灯下的宝可梦伊布在皮卡丘大爆发的夜晚游行。照片由作者拍摄。

0.1 Neon-lit Pokémon Eevees march through the evening at the Pikachu Outbreak. Photo by author.

0.2儿童图式,摘自《人类与动物行为研究:第二卷》,康拉德·洛伦兹著,罗伯特·马丁译,马萨诸塞州剑桥。哈佛大学出版社出版,版权所有 © 1971 康拉德·洛伦兹。经许可使用。保留所有权利。

0.2 Child schema from Studies in Human and Animal Behavior: Volume II, by Konrad Lorenz, trans. Robert Martin, Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press, Copyright © 1971 by Konrad Lorenz. Used by permission. All rights reserved.

1. 古代日本的可爱

1. Ancient Japanese Cuteness

1.1东京豪德寺的招财猫雕像。图片由作者拍摄。

1.1 Beckoning cat figures at Gotokuji Temple, Tokyo. Photo by author.

1.2东京神社的纸鸽福字和猫牌匾。照片由作者拍摄。

1.2 Origami pigeon fortunes and cat votive tablets at a Tokyo shrine. Photo by author.

2. 野生与驯服的边界

2. The Border between Wild and Tame

2.1古董和服,描绘狐狸的婚礼。图片由作者拍摄。

2.1 Antique kimono showing a fox wedding. Photo by author.

2.2与一只家养的西伯利亚狐狸近距离接触。照片由作者拍摄。

2.2 Close encounter with a domesticated Siberian fox. Photo by author.

3. 西方的可爱

3. Cuteness in the West

3.1拉斐尔《西斯廷圣母》中的天使(1513-14):《西斯廷圣母》中的天使,铜版画,查尔斯·戈特弗里德·舒尔茨,1890年。图片来源:CC0 A. Wagner / Wikimedia Commons。

3.1 Raphael’s cherubs from the Sistine Madonna (1513–14): ‘The Angels from the Sistine Madonna’, copper engraving, Charles Gottfried Schultz, c.1890. Photo: CC0 A. Wagner / Wikimedia Commons. viii

4.隐士王国里的可爱

4. Kawaii in the Hermit Kingdom

4.1长泽萝冬作品《扇子上的小狗》。图片由本间美术馆提供。

4.1 Puppy on a fan by Nagasawa Rosetsu. Courtesy of the Homma Museum of Art.

丸山应京作品《4.2小狗》。图片由府中市博物馆提供。

4.2 Puppies by Maruyama Ōkyo. Courtesy of the Fuchu City Museum.

4.3 Ōkyo 的小狗特写。图片由府中市博物馆提供。

4.3 Close-up of Ōkyo’s puppies. Courtesy of Fuchu City Museum.

4.4松木文雄 1904 年出版的《日本艺术家材料目录》的封面。

4.4 The cover of Bunkio Matsuki’s Catalogue of Japanese Artists’ Materials, 1904.

4.5松上文雄波士顿商店的白兔标志,出自松上文雄1904 年出版的《日本艺术家材料目录》

4.5 The white-rabbit logo of Bunkio Matsuki’s Boston shop, from Bunkio Matsuki’s Catalogue of Japanese Artists’ Materials, 1904.

4.6中原淳一(Junichi Nakahara)1941年为杂志《少女的朋友》创作的封面插图中,一位少女身着传统浴衣,梳着西式发型,戴着蝴蝶结,脸上带着梦幻般的表情。©Junichi Nakahara/Himawariya

4.6 In Junichi Nakahara’s 1941 cover illustration for the magazine The Shōjo’s Friend, a young girl with a dreamy expression wears a traditional yukata along with a Western hairstyle and bow. ©Junichi Nakahara/Himawariya

4.7 1971年,Rune Naito 创作的角色“Rune Panda”。© RSH/RUNE

4.7 Rune Naito’s 1971 character ‘Rune Panda’. © R.S.H/RUNE

5. 逆生长:幼态持续和神经嵴

5. Growth in Reverse: Neoteny and the Neural Crest

5.1 “泰迪女孩”。伊豆泰迪熊博物馆提供。

5.1 ‘Teddy Girl’. Courtesy of the Izu Teddy Bear Museum.

6.“可爱”有了现代意义

6. Cute Attains its Modern Meaning

6.1一张1914年的明信片上,丘比特正在为争取妇女选举权而奔走。图片由Alamy提供。

6.1 A postcard from 1914 shows a Kewpie agitating for women’s suffrage. Courtesy of Alamy.

6.2 1925 年的丘比蛋黄酱罐。由丘比公司提供。

6.2 Kewpie Mayonnaise jar from 1925. Courtesy of Kewpie Corporation.

8.当代日本的“卡哇伊”

8. Kawaii in Contemporary Japan

8.1涩谷区的八公巴士。作者拍摄。

8.1 Shibuya ward’s Hachiko bus. Photo by author.

8.2挚爱狗狗八公的坟墓。照片由作者拍摄。

8.2 Grave of the beloved dog Hachiko. Photo by author.

8.3 2018年大阪吉祥物大赛上,一位小女孩与吉祥物“百合伽罗”相遇。照片由作者拍摄。

8.3 A small girl meets a yuru kyara mascot character at the 2018 Yuru Kyara Grand Prix in Osaka. Photo by author.

10. 可爱的未来

10. The Future of Cuteness

10.1作者在 Anthrocon 上穿着兽装。照片由作者拍摄。

10.1 The author wearing a fursuit at Anthrocon. Photo by author.

东京,我几十年的家,正在不断演变,新事物以疯狂的速度取代旧事物。我的街区曾经有一家鱼贩、一家蔬菜水果店和一家碾米厂。还有一家酒铺,由两位近视的老妇人经营,她们一个会读出一听啤酒的价格,另一个则把啤酒放进收银机,眼睛离钥匙只有几英寸远。如今,所有这些早已不复存在。

Tokyo, my home for several decades, is continually evolving, the new replacing the old at a frantic pace. My neighbourhood used to have a fishmonger, a greengrocer and a rice miller. There was a liquor shop run by two elderly women so nearsighted that one of them would read out the price of a can of beer while the other entered it into the cash till, her eyes only inches away from the keys. All of these are now long gone.

当然,小店铺的消亡并不罕见,但在日本,建筑业也同样如此。许多在其他地方能够保存下来的老建筑在这里却毫无生存机会。附近的原宿长期以来一直是青年文化的中心。原宿火车站建于1924年东京大地震后一年,看起来像一座欧式小木屋,半木结构,三角形屋顶,华丽的时钟,彩色玻璃窗2和顶部带有风向标的圆顶。奇迹般地,它在二战的轰炸中幸存了下来,却在2020年被拆除,取而代之的是一个毫无灵魂的玻璃盒子。

The demise of small shops is not unusual, of course, but in Japan the same is true of architecture. Many old buildings that would be preserved elsewhere don’t stand a chance here. Harajuku, a nearby neighbourhood, has long been the centre of youth culture. Built a year after the Great Tokyo Earthquake in 1924, its train station looked like a European chalet, half-timbered with a triangular roof, an ornate clock, stained glass 2and a weathercock-topped cupola. By some miracle it survived the fire-bombing of the Second World War, only to be torn down and replaced with a soulless glass box in 2020.

青山公寓坐落在原宿站稍远处,沿着绿树成荫、景色宜人的大道,这条大道被称为日本的“香榭丽舍大街”。这些建于1926年的公共住宅,为日式现代生活提供了先锋建筑风格,是日本吸收西方设计并重新包装以适应自身品味的典范。但在战后经济繁荣的日本,这些公寓对于情侣或家庭来说太小了。到了20世纪90年代,仍然住在那里的业主寥寥无几。他们利用黄金地段的优势,将公寓出租给商店和画廊,在周围老建筑优雅地衰败之际,这些商店和画廊却在出售商品。我记得走进这栋20世纪20年代的公寓楼时,发现所有的前门都敞开着,每个公寓都精心陈列着时尚服装、艺术品或古玩。但这种情况也未能持续太久。 2003年,为了给表参道新城腾出空间,这些公寓被拆除。表参道新城是一个奢华的开发项目,里面满是出售昂贵手表和高端时装的商店。在这栋庞然大物的一端,矗立着一小块重建的原建筑立面,这是对逝去历史的致敬,但这只会让情况雪上加霜。

The charmingly rundown Aoyama Apartments stood a bit further down from Harajuku Station along the pleasant, tree-lined boulevard known as Japan’s Champs-Élysées. Built in 1926 as public housing, they provided pioneering architecture for modern living in the Japanese style, a good example of how Japan absorbed Western design and repackaged it to suit its own tastes. But the flats were too small for couples or families in booming post-war Japan. By the 1990s few owners still lived there. Instead they had taken advantage of the prime location and rented out their flats to shops and galleries, which plied their wares as the old building gracefully decayed around them. I remember entering this 1920s apartment building to find all the front doors propped open, with each flat displaying a carefully curated selection of fashionable clothes, art or curios. But this, too, didn’t last. The apartments were torn down in 2003 to make room for Omotesando Hills, a splashy development full of shops selling expensive watches and high-end fashion. At one end of this monstrosity lies a small, reconstructed façade of the original building, a homage to the vanished past that only makes it worse.

原宿的氛围由人与建筑共同营造,而这种氛围也发生了变化。早在“安全空间”一词进入公众意识之前,原宿就是一个不被主流社会所接纳的年轻人表达自我的地方。它毗邻明治神宫,是一座掩映在森林中的简朴建筑,因此需要一定的礼仪。原宿商会早已禁止任何形式的成人娱乐活动,从夜总会、酒吧到弹珠机游戏厅。该地区大约晚上八点关闭。

The atmosphere of Harajuku is created by people as much as buildings, and this has also changed. Long before the term ‘safe space’ had entered the public consciousness, Harajuku was a place where young people who didn’t fit into the mainstream could express themselves. Its location next to Meiji Shrine, an austere edifice in the middle of a forest, invites a certain decorum, and the merchants’ association of Harajuku has long banned any sort of adult entertainment, from nightclubs and bars to pachinko parlours. The area shuts down around eight o’clock.

如今,青年文化已经转移到线上,但在3互联网出现之前,日本的年轻人将他们的痴迷带到了原宿街头。整个20世纪90年代,数十支雄心勃勃的摇滚乐队每周日都会在街上演出,他们小心翼翼地调整着自己的音乐,以免盖过旁边乐队的喧嚣。当我漫步经过围绕着每个乐队的忠实粉丝群时,我听到埃尔维斯·普雷斯利的歌声从音量很大的音箱里传来,周围是一群穿着白衬衫、皮夹克和牛仔裤的年轻人,他们梳着20世纪50年代流行的后背油头,跳着乡村摇滚舞。原宿既新奇又独特,既古老又熟悉。

Youth culture has moved online these days, but before the 3Internet, Japanese youth brought their obsessions onto the Harajuku streets. Throughout the 1990s dozens of aspiring rock bands set up on the street every Sunday to perform, carefully adjusting their sound so as not to overwhelm the band next to them. When I strolled by the small groups of devoted fans surrounding each band, I heard Elvis Presley songs coming from cranked-up boomboxes surrounded by crews of young men dancing rockabilly-style, all dressed in white shirts, leather jackets and jeans, with 1950s greased-back hairstyles. Harajuku was both new and different, old and familiar.

除了雄心勃勃的摇滚乐队之外,原宿还成为了日本“时尚部落”的中心。一群志同道合的年轻人聚集在这里,他们穿衣打扮并非为了迎合大众,而是为了表达自我。周末,他们会在火车站附近和朋友们聚会。最引人注目的是那些穿着长裙的年轻女性,她们的裙摆蓬松,饰有荷叶边和蕾丝。褶边紧身胸衣收紧了她们的腰身,她们戴着精心设计的假发,颜色各异——金色、红色,甚至蓝色——上面装饰着丝带。我经常看到她们聚集在铁轨上的一座桥上,在小屋般的车站大楼附近互相拍照,她们的装扮混合了法国洛可可风格和英国维多利亚风格。她们看起来像活生生的娃娃。她们自称“洛丽塔”。

As well as aspiring rock bands, Harajuku became the epicentre of Japan’s ‘fashion tribes’, groups of like-minded young people who dressed not to conform but to express themselves. They met on weekends by the train station to hang out with their friends. The most noticeable were young women who wore dresses with long skirts that puffed out with ruffles and lace. Frilly corsets narrowed their waists and they wore elaborately styled wigs in different colours – blonde, red, even blue – festooned with ribbons. I often saw them gathered on a bridge over the train tracks and taking photos of each other near the chalet-like station building while dressed as a crazy mix of French rococo and British Victorian. They looked like living dolls. They called themselves ‘Lolitas’.

我觉得这个名字很莫名其妙。它明明出自弗拉基米尔·纳博科夫的小说,但她们为什么要这样称呼自己呢?为了找到答案,我咨询了洛丽塔品牌的时装设计师户田由纪子。“没人知道她们为什么开始用这个词,”她坦言,“但洛丽塔时尚与吸引男性的注意力无关。它是为了女孩们自己。她们为了彼此打扮,因为这样很可爱。”

I found this name baffling. It obviously came from Vladimir Nabokov’s novel, but why would they choose to call themselves this? To find out, I turned to Yukiko Toda, a fashion designer for a Lolita brand. ‘Nobody knows why they started using that term,’ she admitted, ‘but Lolita fashion has nothing to do with attracting the attention of men. It’s for the girls themselves. They dress up for each other because it’s cute.’

她用的词是“ kawaii ”,虽然“cute”是最好的英文翻译,但它的含义更为广泛。1洛丽塔时尚是一种亚文化运动,但“kawaii”总体上是日本女孩和女性文化的一部分。它也出现在广受欢迎的漫画书中,甚至成年人也喜欢,并且是日本动画的一个特色。我对“kawaii”4略知一二,但一开始并没有真正引起我的兴趣。当时有很多其他的东西。但后来情况发生了变化。

The word she used was ‘kawaii’, and while ‘cute’ is the best English translation, its meaning is more wide-ranging.1 Lolita fashion was a subcultural movement, but kawaii in general was part of girls’ and women’s culture in Japan. It also appeared 4in the manga comic books popular with everyone, even adults, and was a feature of Japanese animation. I knew a bit about kawaii, but it didn’t really hold my interest at first. There was so much else going on. But then something changed.

作为日本的长期居民,我深知每个角落都隐藏着惊喜。十年前,道路施工护栏突然发生变化,这在每个城市都是常见的景象。我从未对此多想,直到有一天,我走出公寓,发现路障并非被一排表示危险的普通红白条纹挡住,而是被一排巨大的塑料Hello Kitty人物图案挡住,每个人物都手握一道彩虹。这只标志性的猫咪画得很简单,大脑袋,系着红色发带,看不见嘴巴。1975年,它首次出现在一个零钱包里。它的母公司三丽鸥很快就生产出一系列令人眼花缭乱的Hello Kitty产品,风靡全球。

As a long-term resident of Japan, I’ve learned that a surprise often awaits around every corner. Ten years ago that meant a sudden change in road-construction barriers, a common sight in every city. I’d never thought much about them until the day I walked out of my apartment to find the road blocked not by a row of prosaic red-and-white stripes signalling danger, but by a long line of large, plastic Hello Kitty characters, each holding a rainbow. This iconic cat, drawn simply with a large head, a red hair ribbon and no visible mouth, made her debut adorning a coin purse in 1975. Her parent company, Sanrio, was soon producing a dizzying array of Hello Kitty products that became globally popular.

Hello Kitty如今是全球最赚钱的授权角色之一,她出现在许多意想不到的地方。一家台湾航空公司在飞机上画了一只巨大的Hello Kitty,Lady Gaga在2009年的一次写真拍摄中也穿着一件完全由Hello Kitty玩具制成的连衣裙。正因如此,看到这只著名的猫咪出现在道路施工护栏上并不完全令人意外。然而,我很快意识到这不仅仅是一场广告宣传;东京到处都出现了“可爱化”的建筑护栏,上面装饰着没有品牌标识的青蛙、猴子、鸭子、兔子和海豚。这让平凡的城市街道发生了奇异的转变,起初我完全搞不懂发生了什么。

Hello Kitty is now one of the most profitable licensed characters in the world, and she shows up in many unlikely places. A Taiwanese airline painted an enormous Hello Kitty on its planes, and Lady Gaga wore a dress made entirely out of Hello Kitty toys in a 2009 photoshoot. For this reason, seeing the celebrated cat appear on road-construction barriers wasn’t a complete surprise. However, I soon realised that this was more than just an advertising campaign; ‘cutified’ construction barriers were popping up everywhere in Tokyo, sporting unbranded frogs, monkeys, ducks, rabbits and dolphins. It was a bizarre transformation of mundane city streets and, at first, I couldn’t figure out what was going on.

在我抵达东京多年后,这种突如其来的文化冲击让我对周围的世界有了全新的认识。就像我脑子里突然跳动了一个开关;我突然发现,在日本,卡哇伊无处不。我家门前的井盖上装饰着色彩鲜艳的漫画人物肖像。铁路安全海报上,提醒乘客远离5站台,海报上的人物是一个大脑袋和大眼睛的小人。在动物咖啡馆,顾客可以和早晨的浓缩咖啡一起享用一杯可爱的小酒,还可以拥抱猫咪、兔子、迷你猪甚至刺猬。在日本的购物街上,你走不到一分钟,就不可能不听到“卡哇伊”这个词,经常会有一群年轻女性齐声喊出这个词。事实上,“卡哇伊”可能是日语中最流行的词。2

This sudden culture shock, years after I’d landed in Tokyo, made me newly aware of the world around me. It was like a switch flipped in my brain; suddenly I noticed that kawaii is everywhere in Japan. The manhole covers right outside my front door are adorned with colourful portraits of manga characters. Railway safety posters telling passengers to stand clear 5of the platform are illustrated by a small figure with a huge head and big eyes. Animal cafés, where customers can receive a shot of cuteness along with their morning espresso, offer cuddles with cats, rabbits, miniature pigs and even hedgehogs. And it’s impossible to walk for more than a minute through a shopping street in Japan without overhearing the word kawaii, often exclaimed in a chorus among groups of young women. In fact, kawaii might be the most popular word in the Japanese language.2

自从我开始注意到可爱在日本文化中渗透的程度后,我就想去理解它。它何时开始如此迅猛地蔓延?又为何会在日本发生?然而,主要的问题在于从何入手。作为一名学者,我的第一个念头是去读书,但却惊讶地发现,关于这一现象的研究成果寥寥无几。在漫画、时尚和流行音乐等特定文化领域,对“可爱”进行了研究,但很少有学者试图追溯“可爱”在整个文化中的传播。

Once I started noticing the extent to which cuteness had permeated Japanese culture, I wanted to understand it. When did its relentless spread begin, and why did it happen here? The main problem, though, was where to start. As an academic, my first impulse was to hit the books, but I was surprised to find how little scholarship existed on the phenomenon. There were studies of kawaii in specific areas of cultural life, like manga comics, fashion and pop music, but very few scholars had sought to trace the spread of kawaii in the culture at large.

当时存在的理论,说来也怪诞,实在找不到更贴切的词。被称为“日本版安迪·沃霍尔”的艺术家村上隆曾说,二战后日本人变得可爱,是为了在它的征服者美国面前显得无害、无害。他声称,在这个过程中,日本变得像一个永远被阉割的小男孩。3 另一方面,20世纪80年代末90年代初,大塚英二和其他几位颇具影响力的男性评论家写道,过度的消费主义和猖獗的消费让日本人如此迷恋可爱,以至于每个人都变成了小女孩。大塚英和其他人将日本人描述为自恋、被动、不负责任、软弱和幼稚——而这些特质在性别歧视的文化规范中被认为是天生的女性化和少女气的。4

The theories that did exist were, for lack of a better term, weird. The artist Takashi Murakami, who has been called the Japanese Andy Warhol, said that Japan became cute after the Second World War as a way of appearing harmless and inoffensive to its conqueror, the United States. In the process, he claimed, Japan had become like a forever-emasculated little boy.3 On the other hand, in the late 1980s and early 1990s Eiji Ōtuska and a few other influential male critics wrote that excessive consumerism and rampant consumption had made Japanese people so enamoured with cute that everyone had turned into a little girl. Ōtuska and others characterised the country’s population as narcissistic, passive, irresponsible, weak and childish – traits that sexist cultural norms represent as inherently feminine and girlish.4

我很快发现,其他国家对可爱的研究比日本对可爱研究的还要少。6这也显得有些奇怪,因为在日本以外,可爱也在兴起。如今,似乎每个人都在网上分享可爱的动物表情包,并用一连串的表情符号回应。而且这股热潮并不是从互联网开始的。就像在可爱之地一样,可爱已经成为流行文化中的一个重要存在,却无人关注。以《星球大战》为例,自 1977 年以来,它在流行文化中占有重要地位。它讲述的外太空战斗故事一般不被认为是可爱的,但这个系列电影中却有毛茸茸的伍基人、小机器人、伊沃克人、波格鸟和大受欢迎的尤达宝宝。这曾引起一些反弹;我记得我初中时的一个朋友自豪地佩戴着“我杀死了伊沃克人”的徽章。但总的来说,可爱在流行文化中的传播方式和在日本一样——悄无声息,很少有人注意到可爱占据了他们生活的很大一部分。那么,村上春树和大塚春树说得对吗?我们都变成了小男孩和小女孩吗?

I soon found that there was even less scholarship on cuteness in other countries than there was about kawaii in Japan. 6This also seemed strange, because cuteness is on the rise outside Japan as well. These days it seems as if everyone is sharing online cute animal memes and responding with strings of emoji. And the boom didn’t begin with the Internet. Just like in the land of kawaii, cuteness has become a major presence in popular culture without anyone taking much notice. Take Star Wars, for instance, an outsized presence in popular culture since 1977. Its tales of battles in outer space are not generally regarded as cute, yet the franchise includes furry Wookiees, diminutive droids, Ewoks, Porgs and the massively popular Baby Yoda. There had been some backlash; I remember a friend in junior high school proudly sporting an ‘I kill Ewoks’ pin badge. But, in general, cuteness spread through popular culture exactly as it did in Japan – quietly, without many people noticing how much of their lives had been taken over. So are Murakami and Ōtuska right? Have we all become little boys and girls?

我认为村上春树和大塚的理论过于关注男性气质。他们俩似乎对男人和女人都对可爱感兴趣感到震惊,但这又有什么害处呢?后来,我偶然发现了另一个关于日本可爱理论,这真的让我大吃一惊。文化评论家四方田犬彦声称,“可爱”远非战后现象,而是在日本文化中源远流长。他追溯到千年前的艺术作品,并断言中世纪的欧洲从未出现过类似的东西。5 可爱”是日本人基因里的东西吗?这个想法听起来很荒谬,但我没想到大多数人认为很容易解释的话题会引发这样的问题。

I think Murakami and Ōtuska’s theories are too focused on masculinity. They both seem freaked out that men as well as women are interested in cuteness, but what’s the harm in that? Then I came across another theory about Japanese cuteness that really surprised me. The cultural critic Inuhiko Yomota has claimed that far from being a post-war phenomenon, kawaii has had a long history in Japanese culture. He traced it back to works of art that are up to a thousand years old and asserted that medieval Europe had nothing like it.5 Was kawaii somehow built into Japanese DNA? The idea sounded ridiculous, but I hadn’t expected such questions to arise from a topic that most people think is so easy to explain.

尽管世事变迁,一千年前的人们感受可爱的方式和我们今天一样吗?例如,人们对美的理解在不同时间和空间中存在巨大差异。一千年前,当四方田声称“可爱一词起源于日本时,日本女性为了美观会剃掉眉毛,涂黑牙齿。如今她们不再这样做了7,但我仍然认为四方田的说法是正确的,她们当时觉得可爱的东西,在今天依然能给我们同样的感受。但为什么会这样呢?

Did people who lived a millennium ago feel cuteness in the same way we do today, even though so much else has changed? Ideas of what is beautiful, for example, differ widely across time and space. A thousand years ago, when Yomota claimed that kawaii began, Japanese women shaved their eyebrows and blackened their teeth to look beautiful. They’re not doing that 7today, yet I still think he’s right in saying that the things they found cute back then give us the same feeling now. But why is that?

皮卡丘爆发!

Pikachu Outbreak!

1854年,由海军准将马修·佩里指挥的蒸汽舰队抵达横滨,迫使日本结束闭关锁国政策,开放对外贸易市场,从而首次“入侵”了港口城市横滨。如今,横滨已是一座熙熙攘攘的城市,每年都会举办名为“皮卡丘盛宴”的可爱庆典。每年八月,长达一周的时间里,多达2000只真人大小的皮卡丘和其他宝可梦电子游戏中的角色会在成千上万来自世界各地的观众面前进行游行。我决定亲自去看看。这里无疑是了解“可爱”为何如此受欢迎的绝佳去处。

The port city of Yokohama was where the United States first ‘invaded’ Japan, when a squadron of steamships commanded by Commodore Matthew Perry arrived in 1854 to force Japan to end its policy of national isolation and open its markets to foreign trade. Today it is a bustling city that hosts an annual celebration of cuteness called the Pikachu Outbreak. For a whole week every August, parades of up to 2,000 life-sized costumed Pikachus and other characters from the Pokémon video games march in front of tens of thousands of spectators from all over the world. I decided I had to go and see it for myself. Surely this would be the perfect place to find out why kawaii is so incredibly popular.

宝可梦热潮始于1996年。和当时大多数成年人一样,我对它只是模糊地了解——对我来说,是通过我年幼的侄子侄女的热情。宝可梦是一款电子游戏,内容是捕捉可爱的小怪兽并让它们打斗,其灵感来源于日本儿童到当地公园捕捉角锹形虫的传统。2016年,当风靡一时的电子游戏Pokémon Go问世时,我看到成群结队的人默默地在街上游荡,盯着智能手机,这令我感到困惑。但这对他们来说并不奇怪。许多90年代的宝可梦粉丝从未离开过他们最喜欢的游戏。一系列多媒体、跨平台的作品让他们沉迷了二十年,宝可梦经常被认为是有史以来票房最高的媒体系列。

The Pokémon craze began in 1996. Like most adults at the time, I was only vaguely aware of it – in my case, through the passion of my young nieces and nephews. A video game that involves catching cute little monsters and making them fight, Pokémon was inspired by the tradition among Japanese children of going out into local parks to catch horned stag beetles. When the wildly popular video game Pokémon Go appeared in 2016, I was bemused at the sight of hordes of people silently wandering the streets in packs while staring at their smart-phones. But it wasn’t strange for them. Many of Pokémon’s nineties fan base never grew out of their favourite game. A succession of multimedia, cross-platform productions has kept them engaged for two decades, and Pokémon is often cited as the highest-grossing media franchise of all time.

宝可梦游行在横滨拉开帷幕时,我转向人群中的其他人,开始提问。但无论8我与谁交谈,也无论他们来自哪里——无论是日本还是其他东亚国家,欧洲、美国还是澳大利亚——每个人的对话都千篇一律。我问他们喜欢游行的哪些方面,他们会说皮卡丘有多可爱。但当我问皮卡丘为什么可爱时,谈话就戛然而止了。每个人都坚信宝可梦很可爱,但似乎没有人能解释其中的原因

As the Pokémon march began in Yokohama, I turned to others in the crowd and started asking questions. But no 8matter who I talked to or where they were from –whether Japan or another East Asian country, Europe, the US or Australia – every conversation followed the same path. I’d ask them what they liked about the parades, and they’d talk about how cute they thought Pikachu was. But when I’d ask what made Pikachu cute, the conversation would come to a stuttering halt. Everyone was firmly convinced that Pokémons were cute, yet no one seemed to be able to explain why.

可爱似乎有一种难以解读的魔力。每个人在感受它时都能感受到,但即使是设计它的人也无法解释,为什么一个小小的改变就能让一个设计版本比另一个更可爱。Hello Kitty,这个20世纪70年代的传奇人物,为其母公司三丽鸥赚取了数十亿美元的收入,是由清水优子设计的。她画了几张草图,但直到她的助手指着其中一张大喊“太可爱了! ”时,她才知道自己有所发现。6

There seems to be something about cuteness that resists interpretation. Everyone knows it when they feel it, but even the people who design the stuff can’t explain why a tiny change makes one iteration of a design cuter than another. Hello Kitty, the legendary character from the 1970s that has made billions of dollars for its parent company Sanrio, was designed by Yuko Shimizu. She made several initial drawings, but only knew she was onto something when her assistant pointed to one in particular and screamed, ‘Kawaii!6

我需要帮助来弄清楚宝可梦究竟为何可爱,幸运的是我带了一位专家。户田由纪子是一位艺术家兼时装设计师,十多年来一直致力于在作品中展现“可爱”。我们一起观看宝可梦游行,每当人群齐声高喊“可爱! ”时,我们都会密切关注。过了一会儿,我们开始注意到一些规律。首先,这些宝可梦出奇地小。我身高六英尺,比它们高出一头。它们的眼睛位置很低,额头凸起,脸颊上点缀着红色圆圈——这些特征由纪子一眼便看出是“可爱” 。她还指出,我原本以为它们只是在微笑,但其实它们张开的嘴巴表情很暧昧。“它们看起来像一只小鸟张开嘴巴等着吃东西,”她说。“但那是一种茫然的表情[ muhyōjō ]——你看不出它们在想什么或在感受什么。” Hello Kitty 没有嘴巴,但却有着同样冷漠的表情,尽管如此,它却很有吸引力。9

I needed help figuring out exactly what made Pokémon cute, and luckily I had brought an expert along. Yukiko Toda is an artist and fashion designer who has been expressing kawaii in her work for more than a decade. Together, we watched the parades and paid close attention every time the crowd rose up in a collective cry of ‘Kawaii!’ After a while, we started to notice some patterns. First, the Pokémons were surprisingly small. At six feet tall, I towered over them. Their eyes were placed low enough to make their foreheads bulge, and their cheeks were highlighted with red circles – characteristics that Yukiko immediately identified as kawaii. She also pointed out that their open mouths, which I had thought were simply smiling, had a more ambiguous expression. ‘They look like a baby bird opening its mouth to be fed,’ she said. ‘But it’s a blank look [muhyōjō] – you can’t tell what they’re feeling or thinking.’ Hello Kitty, with no mouth at all, has that same affectless expression that nonetheless is somehow appealing. 9

图 0.1:霓虹灯照亮的神奇宝贝皮卡丘在皮卡丘爆发的夜晚游行。

Fig. 0.1: Neon-lit Pokémon Pikachus march through the evening at the Pikachu Outbreak.

这些看似迷人的特征组合,一出现就立刻引发了“可爱! ”的欢呼。而且,它们毛茸茸的身体柔软得令人心动:每当一只宝可梦摆姿势拍照时,孩子们,甚至一些成年人,都会跑上前去,毫不留情地拥抱它。

This apparently charming combination of features raised immediate cries of ‘Kawaii!’ as soon as the Pokémons appeared. Plus, their furry bodies were invitingly soft: whenever an individual Pokémon posed for photos, children and even some adults would run up and hug it unrestrainedly.

大人们的行为让我很惊讶,因为拥抱在日本成年人中并不常见。但Yukiko解释说,各种毛茸茸的真人大小的吉祥物是日本公共活动的标配,跑上去拥抱它们是每个人从小就沉迷其中的行为。在日本,拥抱朋友甚至家人并不常见,所以偶尔尽情拥抱一个毛茸茸的大球也未尝不可。

The adults’ behaviour surprised me, because hugging is not a common greeting among Japanese adults. But Yukiko explained that furry life-sized mascots of all sorts are a standard feature of public events in Japan, and running up to hug them is a behaviour that everyone has indulged in since childhood. Since it’s not common in Japan to hug friends or even family, it must be nice to give full rein to the impulse to hug a giant ball of fur once in a while.

游行开始时,我们注意到,这些宝可梦除了巨大的脑袋外,身躯还很小,手臂粗短,10腿也短得几乎无法拖着脚步前进。这使得它们走路时左右摇晃,步态摇摇晃晃。游行队伍会不时停下来,让宝可梦们表演一些简单的编排舞蹈,挥舞着手臂,扭动着臀部,吸引着围观的人们。由于视力严重受限,它们总是会互相碰撞,尽管旁边的吹哨管理员竭尽全力提醒着它们。这些意外的碰撞总会引来狂热的人群中爆发出阵阵“卡哇伊! ”的惊叹声。

As the parade began, we noticed that along with their huge heads, the Pokémons had small bodies with stubby arms, and 10legs so short they were barely able to shuffle along. This created a distinctive wobbly gait as they rocked from side to side. The parade would stop periodically so that the Pokémons could perform simple choreographed dances in which they waved their arms and wriggled their behinds at the onlookers. Their severely limited eyesight meant they were constantly bumping into each other, despite the best efforts of the whistle-blowing handlers who walked alongside them. These accidental collisions always caused a crescendo of ‘Kawaii!’ exclamations from the besotted crowd.

通过观察宝可梦粉丝的行为,我们开始弄清楚是什么引发了这些自发的哭声。皮卡丘们都有大大的头和眼睛,小胳膊小腿,鼓鼓的脸颊和额头,摇摇晃晃的动作和张开嘴巴的表情,让人忍俊不禁。

By paying attention to the behaviour of the Pokémon fans, we began to figure out what was triggering those spontaneous cries. The Pikachus all had big heads and eyes, small arms and legs, bulging cheeks and foreheads, wobbly movements and open-mouthed expressions that made people smile.

可爱似乎是快乐业余爱好者的天下,而非技艺精湛的专业人士,而且这种可爱自成体系——看到张着嘴巴的宝可梦向他们挥手,人们也微笑着回应。看着这一幕,我一开始很困惑。显然,穿着毛茸茸衣服的人视力不好,无法分辨出每个人,那么他们到底在向谁挥手呢?其实只有一个办法可以弄清楚,所以尽管感到有些尴尬,我也开始挥手回应——很快,我发现自己也对着这些穿着毛茸茸的黄色衣服的人笑了。

Kawaii seemed to be the realm of the cheerful amateur rather than the polished professional, and it fed upon itself – seeing the open-mouthed Pokémons waving at them, people smiled and waved back. Watching this, I was perplexed at first. It was clear that the people inside those furry suits couldn’t see well enough to distinguish individual watchers, so who exactly were they waving at? There was really only one way to find out, so in spite of feeling a little embarrassed, I started waving back, too – and soon found myself smiling at these folks in their fuzzy yellow suits.

我和雪子并不是第一个注意到可爱的东西具有一系列共同特征的人。早在 1943 年,奥地利生物学家康拉德·洛伦兹就观察到,某些动物,尤其是幼崽,会激起与人类对待幼童相同的照顾和保护冲动。他提出了一组特征,称之为“儿童图式”(Kindchenschema),包括:相对于身体来说头部较大;脑膜占主导地位;眼睛大而低;脸颊圆鼓鼓;11四肢短而粗;身体表面柔软但有弹性;动作笨拙而摇晃。7洛伦兹认为,他的图式是一种本能反应,可以刺激成年人表现出养育和保护行为,而这些行为正是儿童生存所必需的。

Yukiko and I were not the first people to notice that cute things share a set of common characteristics. Back in 1943 the Austrian biologist Konrad Lorenz observed that certain animals, especially baby ones, incite the same impulse to provide care and protection that people feel towards young children. He drew up a set of traits that he called the ‘child schema’ (Kindchenschema) which included: a large head relative to body size; predominance of the brain capsule; large and low-lying eyes; round, bulging cheeks; short and thick 11extremities; a soft body surface with a springy elastic consistency; and clumsy, wobbly movements.7 Lorenz believed that his schema operated as an instinctual response that stimulated the nurturing and protective behaviour in adults that children need to survive.

图 0.2:Konrad Lorenz 的子模式。

Fig. 0.2: Konrad Lorenz’s child schema.

如果我们的大脑天生就能够在遇到儿童图式时感受到一股可爱感,那么或许我更像是个傀儡,而不是眼前这些亮黄色的皮卡丘。洛伦兹认为,我们对可爱事物的反应是强迫性的,几乎“无法抑制”,并且像发条装置一样自动运作。8我认为他的理论听起来太过极端。毕竟,每个喊“卡哇伊! ”的人,很可能都会有另一个人耸耸肩12。我们或许都有同样的能力来应对可爱,但并非每个人都喜欢它。

If our brains are hard-wired to feel a rush of cuteness upon encountering the child schema, then perhaps I was more of a puppet than the bright-yellow Pikachus that were dancing in front of me. Lorenz believed that our response to cute objects is compulsive to the point of being ‘virtually irrepressible’ and operates automatically, like a clockwork mechanism.8 But I thought his theory sounded too extreme. After all, for every person who cries ‘kawaii!’ there’s likely to be another shrugging 12their shoulders. We may all have the same capacity to respond to cuteness, but not everyone is into it.

另外,我对看到可爱的东西总会激起养育或保护它的冲动这一说法持怀疑态度。虽然我在皮卡丘爆发事件中的观察证实了洛伦兹儿童图式的基本要素,但他的理论似乎仍存在一些缺陷。一群皮卡丘的康加舞并没有让我产生照顾或保护它们的欲望。相反,这景象只是让我想加入其中,享受乐趣。这种反应与确保人类进化出照顾婴儿的能力有什么关系呢?

Plus, I’m sceptical about the idea that seeing something cute always gives rise to the impulse to nurture or protect it. Although the basic elements of Lorenz’s child schema were borne out by my observations at the Pikachu Outbreak, there still seemed to be something missing from his theory. A conga line of Pikachus didn’t make me feel like taking care of them or protecting them. Instead the sight simply made me want to join in with the fun. What did this response have to do with making sure humans evolved to take care of babies?

可爱研究”和可爱科学

Cute Studies’ and cute science

本科时,我想研究儿童文学。如今,它不仅涵盖文学研究,还涵盖儿童发展、心理学和童年史。然而,当时大多数学者认为儿童文学微不足道,不值得认真研究。我当时不知所措。有一次,我去拜访我最喜欢的一位教授,讨论这个问题。他说:“这就像你面对两个池塘:一个池塘水清澈见底,另一个池塘则满是淤泥和浮渣,一览无余。你似乎会同时看一眼两个池塘,然后一头扎进浑浊的池塘。” 十九岁时,我把这句话当成一种赞美,但现在我怀疑这是否真的是一种赞美。无论如何,他似乎是对的。几十年后,当我意识到关于“可爱”的理解并不清晰时,我深吸一口气,决定一头扎进去。

Back when I was an undergraduate, I wanted to study children’s literature. It has since become a field that encompasses not only literary studies, but also child development, psychology and the history of childhood. At the time, however, most scholars thought it was too trivial to warrant serious research. It was hard to know what to do. When I visited one of my favourite professors to discuss the idea, he said, ‘It’s as if you’re facing two ponds: one is full of crystal-clear water to the very bottom, and the other is full of silt and pond scum with zero visibility. You seem to take a look at both, before diving straight into the muddy pond.’ At nineteen I took this as a compliment, though now I wonder if it was meant as one. At any rate, it seems he was right. Decades later, when faced with the realisation that little about cuteness was clear, I took a deep breath and decided to dive right in.

我开始怀疑,可爱是否比偶尔出现的几篇文章或书籍更值得关注。可爱是否足以支撑一个全新的研究领域?毕竟,它在儿童文学领域已经取得了成功。如果我成功了,我或许可以成为一个全新领域的奠基人。好吧,要么如此,要么我可能被彻底忽视。十三

I was starting to wonder if cuteness deserved more than the odd article or book. Was there enough there to justify an entirely new field of study? After all, it had worked for children’s literature. If I got it right, I could be the founder of a whole new field. Well, either that or I could be ignored completely. 13

我考虑过琳达·威廉姆斯,她意识到色情研究这个价值数十亿美元的产业几乎无人研究,于是创立了色情研究领域。就像色情作品一样,可爱也能带来数十亿美元的收入,却无人关注,而且人们也认为它微不足道,不值得学术界关注。至少它没有那么大的争议。

I considered Linda Williams, who created the field of Porn Studies when she realised that this multibillion-dollar industry was virtually unstudied. Just like pornography, cuteness makes billions in revenue without anyone paying much attention, and it’s also viewed as too inconsequential to warrant scholarly attention. And at least it’s not as controversial.

威廉姆斯通过编辑一本同名学术论文集,宣告了色情研究的诞生。我决定低调行事;我通过编辑一本学术期刊的特刊,联系其他对“可爱”感兴趣的学者,我把这本期刊命名为《可爱研究》。我计划撰写一篇社论,宣布这个新领域正式开放。但有人想加入吗?

Williams announced the arrival of Porn Studies by editing a volume of scholarly essays with the same name. I decided to begin a bit more modestly; I reached out to other scholars interested in cuteness by editing a special issue of an academic journal that I would call Cute Studies. I planned to write an editorial declaring this new field open for business. But would anyone want to join it?

我在各个学术网站上公开征集论文,然后等着看最终结果。虽然投稿数量不算太多,但也收到了一些引人入胜的文章,主题包括穿着洛丽塔风格的年轻女性、新加坡网红如何利用可爱元素吸引观众,以及对日本妈妈为孩子制作的可爱午餐盒的分析。其中一篇论文真正改变了整个学术界。它来自大阪大学认知心理生理学实验室主任入户野宏司。

I put out an open call for papers on various academic websites, then waited to see what would show up. And while I wasn’t exactly flooded with submissions, I did receive some fascinating articles, on topics including young women who wear Lolita fashion, how Singaporean influencers use cuteness to gain an audience, and an analysis of the kawaii lunchboxes that Japanese mothers make for their children. But one of them was a real game-changer. It was from Hiroshi Nittono, now director of the Cognitive Psychophysiology Laboratory at Osaka University.

和我一样,Hiroshi 也注意到,日本的“可爱”超越了 Lorenz 儿童图式所列出的特质。然而,他所在领域几乎所有的实证研究都集中在 Lorenz 的“婴儿期”特质上。由于日本“可爱”的盛行,Hiroshi 认为,分析日本人对“可爱”的感受可以拓宽 Lorenz 的图式,这对任何对“可爱”本质感兴趣的人都有用。

Like me, Hiroshi had noticed that kawaii in Japan extends beyond the traits listed in Lorenz’s child schema. However, virtually all the empirical research in his field focused on Lorenz’s infantile traits. Because of the outsized presence of kawaii in Japan, Hiroshi felt that analysing how people there feel about it could broaden Lorenz’s schema in ways that could be useful to anyone interested in the nature of cuteness.

Hiroshi向数百名愿意参与调查的大学生和办公室职员发放了问卷,并分析了他们的回答。他发现,糖果、鲜花和微笑等不属于儿童图式的事物,也能引发“可爱”14的感觉。事实上,“微笑”在研究参与者中获得了最高的“可爱”评分,甚至超过了“婴儿”。这表明Lorenz的儿童图式并不能完全反映情况。9

Hiroshi distributed questionnaires to hundreds of university students and office workers willing to take part in a survey and analysed their responses. He found that things such as sweets, flowers and smiles, which are not part of the child 14schema, could also trigger the feeling of kawaii. In fact ‘smile’ received the highest kawaii rating from study participants, exceeding even that for ‘baby’. This was an indication that Lorenz’s child schema wasn’t telling the whole story.9

填写阿笠问卷的大学生和上班族也把可爱的东西称为“ yuru ”。这个词很难翻译。它可以表示摇摇晃晃——这是儿童图式中常见的一种特质——但也表示业余或不完美。我在皮卡丘大爆发活动上亲眼目睹过这种情况,当时人们微笑着对着步伐不协调、毛茸茸的屁股摔倒的皮卡丘喊道“可爱! ”

The university students and office workers who filled in Hiroshi’s questionnaire also referred to kawaii things as ‘yuru’. This is a hard word to translate. It can mean wobbly – an attribute that appears in the child schema – but it also means amateurish or imperfect. I had seen this for myself at the Pikachu Outbreak when people smiled and shouted ‘Kawaii!’ at Pikachus who mistimed their synchronised steps and fell on their fluffy backsides.

如果可爱就是一种无法抗拒的养育本能,那么围观的人群肯定应该不由自主地冲上前去帮助倒下的皮卡丘。但这并没有发生。仔细想想,一个真正需要帮助的孩子——正在遭受痛苦——也不可爱。像 Hiroshi 这样的科学家得出结论,可爱感会促进归属感,这是一种比养育更广泛意义上的社会联系。这就是为什么感觉某个东西可爱会让我们想要靠近它,即使我们没有特别想要保护或养育它的愿望。10可爱是社会参与的释放器,这种说法可以解释为什么我发现自己想向游行的皮卡丘挥手并拥抱它。

If cuteness is all about an irresistible instinct to nurture, then the watching crowd surely should have involuntarily leapt forward to help the fallen Pikachu. But that didn’t happen and, when you think about it, a child in need of real help – suffering and in pain – is not cute, either. Scientists like Hiroshi concluded that the feeling of kawaii encourages affiliation, which is social bonding in a broader sense than just nurturing. This is why feeling that something is cute makes us want to get closer to it, even if we have no particular desire to protect or nurture it.10 The suggestion that cuteness is a releaser of social engagement would explain why I found myself wanting to wave at and hug the marching Pikachus.

解锁可爱

Unlocking cuteness

多亏了浩,我意识到科学是理解“可爱”的关键。这听起来可能没什么新意,但像我这样研究人文学科(文学、艺术和文化)的学者,通常会像躲避瘟疫一样避开硬科学。那些擅长数学的社会科学家(例如人类学家和社会学家)倾向于坚守自己的领域。学者们都是超级书呆子——用日本人的话说就是“御宅族15” ——他们通常会找到自己的舒适区并待在那里,主要与彼此交流。但我意识到,这种专业化的过程意味着我们永远无法解释我们周围正在发生的“可爱”在全球范围内的爆炸式增长。如果“可爱研究”想要产生影响,它就需要接纳所有研究“可爱”的方式,并在它们之间建立对话。

Thanks to Hiroshi, I realised that science is key to understanding cuteness. It might not sound like much of a revelation, but academics like me who study the humanities – literature, art and culture – usually avoid hard science like the plague. Those social scientists who are comfortable with maths (anthropologists and sociologists, for instance) tend to stick to their own field. Academics are super-nerds – ‘otaku’, as they say in Japan 15– who generally find their comfort zone and stay there, talking mainly to each other. But I realised that this process of specialisation meant that we would never be able to account for the explosive global growth of cuteness that is occurring all around us. If Cute Studies was going to have an impact, it would need to accept all the various ways of studying cuteness and create a dialogue among them.

这绝非易事;不同的研究“可爱”的方法不仅会得出不同的结论,而且它们的定义也各不相同。那么,究竟什么才是“可爱”呢?科学家们假设,我们一直以来都对可爱的孩子和动物有着深厚的基因吸引力。但究竟是先有鸡还是先有蛋呢?如果几万年前,更可爱的孩子得到了更多的关爱和关注,那么是什么让我们最初欣赏这些品质呢?

This wasn’t going to be easy; different ways of studying cuteness not only come to different conclusions, but they begin with different definitions. What even is cute in the first place? Scientists hypothesise that we’ve always had a deep genetic pull towards adorable children and animals. But which came first: the chicken or the egg? If cuter children received more care and attention tens of thousands of years ago, what made us appreciate those qualities in the first place?

可爱会不会是先出现的?或许我们是灵长类动物,就像猫狗一样,被培育得可爱;但人类的繁衍却无人负责,这怎么可能呢?会不会是我们无意识地选择了可爱,仿佛我们DNA里有什么东西让我们在无数代人中偏爱稍微可爱的属性?那就意味着先有蛋,后有鸡。想到这儿,我的脑子开始晕眩起来。

Could cuteness somehow have come first? Maybe we’re the primate equivalent of dogs or cats, bred to be adorable; but no one was in charge of breeding humans, so how could that be so? Could we have unconsciously chosen to be cute, as if something baked into our DNA made us prefer slightly cuter attributes over countless generations? That would mean the egg came before the chicken. My head started to spin at the thought.

更糟糕的是,如果四方田犬彦说得对,可爱只是一千年前才出现在日本艺术作品中的一种特质,那么可爱美学的出现就只能与一个特定的时间和地点联系在一起。如果可爱一直以来都是一种全人类共有的情感,我该如何解释这种特殊性呢?我一直在问自己,为什么可爱在日本出现得比其他地方更早,但现在我发现自己正在反过来思考这个问题。为什么它花了这么长时间才出现,而且为什么只出现在日本?

To make matters worse, if Inuhiko Yomota was right and cuteness was a quality that had appeared only in Japanese artworks a thousand years ago, the emergence of the cute aesthetic can be tied to a single time and place. How could I account for this specificity if cuteness has been with us all along as a species-wide emotion? I’d been asking myself why it appeared earlier in Japan than anywhere else, but now I found myself flipping that question round. Why did it take so long to appear, and why only in Japan?

笔记

Notes

1 Hiroshi Nittono 等人,《描述日语“可爱”概念的英语和西班牙语形容词》,SAGE Open(2023 年 1 月至 3 月),第 1-12 页,doi.10.1177/21582440231152415。

1 Hiroshi Nittono et al., ‘English and Spanish Adjectives That Describe the Japanese Concept of Kawaii’, SAGE Open (January–March 2023), pp. 1–12, doi.10.1177/21582440231152415.

2 Toby Slade,《当代日本的可爱男人》,Ben Barry 和 Andrew Reilly 编辑,《跨越性别界限:创造、颠覆和超越的时尚》(伦敦:Intellect Books,2019 年),第 79 页。

2 Toby Slade, ‘Cute men in contemporary Japan’, ed. Ben Barry and Andrew Reilly, Crossing Gender Boundaries: Fashion to Create, Disrupt and Transcend (London: Intellect Books, 2019), p. 79.

3村上隆,《小男孩:日本爆炸式增长的亚文化艺术》(康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2005 年)。

3 Takashi Murakami, Little Boy: The Arts of Japan’s Exploding Subculture (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005).

4 Sharalyn Orbaugh,《丰满的战斗宝贝:20 世纪 90 年代视觉文化中少女的演变》,载 J. Mostow 等编,《日本视觉领域中的性别与权力》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2003 年),第 213-214 页。

4 Sharalyn Orbaugh, ‘Busty Battlin’ Babes: The Evolution of the Shōjo in 1990s Visual Culture’, in J. Mostow et al., eds, Gender and Power in the Japanese Visual Field (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2003), pp. 213–14.

5四本犬彦,《卡哇伊》散文(Kawaii Ron),(东京:千曲书房,2006 年)。

5 Inuhiko Yomota, Essay on ‘Kawaii’ (Kawaii Ron), (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 2006).

6马特·阿尔特(Matt Alt),《纯粹的发明:日本流行文化如何征服世界》(纽约:兰登书屋,2020 年),第 122 页。

6 Matt Alt, Pure Invention: How Japan’s Pop Culture Conquered the World (New York: Random House, 2020), p. 122.

7 Konrad Lorenz,“Die angeborenen Formen möglicher Erfahrung(可能体验的固有形式)”,Zeitschrift für Tierpsychologie 5 (1943),第 235-409 页。另请参阅康拉德·洛伦茨 (Konrad Lorenz),《动物和人类行为研究》,卷。 2、跨。罗伯特·马丁(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛 UP,1971 年),第 14 页。 154.

7 Konrad Lorenz, ‘Die angeborenen Formen möglicher Erfahrung (The innate forms of possible experience)’, Zeitschrift für Tierpsychologie 5 (1943), pp. 235–409. See also Konrad Lorenz, Studies in Animal and Human Behavior, Vol. 2, trans. Robert Martin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1971), p. 154.

8同上(1971 年),第 146、160 页。

8 Ibid. (1971), pp. 146, 160.

9 Hiroshi Nittono,《“可爱”的双层模型:理解可爱和可爱的行为科学框架》,《东亚大众文化期刊》 2, 1(2016 年),第 85-91 页。

9 Hiroshi Nittono, ‘The Two-Layer Model of “Kawaii”: A Behavioural Science Framework for Understanding Kawaii and Cuteness’, East Asian Journal of Popular Culture 2, 1 (2016), pp. 85–91.

10同上,第 87 页。208

10 Ibid., p. 87. 208

16

1

1

古代日本的可爱

Ancient Japanese Cuteness

一切小事,无论大小,都是最可爱的。——清少纳言《

枕草子》

All small things, no matter what they are, all small things are most adorable.

The Pillow Book by Sei Shōnagon

《枕草子》是日本文学的经典之作,由一千多年前的朝臣清少纳言(965-1017)创作。书中涵盖了众多主题——爱情、宫廷八卦、诗歌、自然之美以及四季的韵律——所有这些都透过一位才华横溢、风趣幽默的女性的视角展现出来。这本书对日本女性的影响一直延续到现代。1

A classic work of Japanese literature, The Pillow Book was written more than a thousand years ago by a courtier named Sei Shōnagon (965–1017). It covers many topics – love, court gossip, poetry, the beauty of nature and the rhythm of the seasons – all filtered through the eye of an irrepressibly intelligent woman who is, above all, fun. The book has influenced Japanese women all the way up to modern times.1

《枕草子》也体现了一种美学的早期表述,这种美学最终发展成为如今的“卡哇伊”文化。当我问日本人他们能想到的最早的“卡哇伊”例子时,答案往往是《枕草子》里的“可爱之物清单”(Utsukushiki mono几乎每个人都知道这段话——它经常被纳入日本学校的课程。17

The Pillow Book also contains one of the earliest articulations of an aesthetic that eventually became today’s kawaii culture. When I ask Japanese people to name the earliest example of 17kawaii they can think of, the answer is often the ‘list of adorable things’ (Utsukushiki mono) from The Pillow Book. Almost everyone knows this passage – it’s frequently included in the Japanese school curriculum.

《枕草子》首次尝试以散文形式记录与孩子、动物和物品之间那些令人心动的短暂邂逅。虽然“可爱”的情感或许是每个人的共同体验,因为它是人体生理的一部分,但这份清单展现了“可爱”在女性文化中的重要性。更重要的是,它表明,在一位才华横溢的作家笔下,这种简单的情感可以升华为伟大的艺术表达。

The Pillow Book includes the first attempt in prose to catalogue the small, brief encounters with children, animals and objects that pierce the heart with cuteness. Although the emotion of cuteness may have been part of everyone’s experience because it is part of our biology, the list shows how cuteness was central to women’s culture. More importantly, it demonstrates that in the hands of a talented writer this simple feeling can be elevated into an expression of great art.

清少纳言于公元993年进入贞子天皇的宫廷时,已年近三十——比新晋侍臣的年龄要大得多。天皇本人比她年轻十岁左右,但她聪慧过人,重视侍臣的学识和才华。2两人成为了挚友。

When Sei Shōnagon entered the court of Empress Teishi in the year 993, she was in her late twenties – older than usual for a new court attendant. The empress herself was about ten years younger, but she was an intelligent and accomplished woman who prized learning and wit among her attendants.2 The pair became firm friends.

侍奉皇后的宫女们过着与世隔绝的生活,几乎与女权主义价值观格格不入。她们被禁止向男性露面,只能跪在屏风或窗帘后与来访的男士交谈。只有确定没有男性在场,她们才能踏上宫廷的走廊或在花园里散步。宫廷女性极少有机会离开宫廷,她们会乘坐马车,透过芦苇格子窗窥视外面的世界。3就是平安时代(日本历史上从公元794年到1185年的一段时期)上流社会女性的生活。

The cloistered lives of the women who served the empress hardly suggest feminist values. Forbidden to show their faces to men, they knelt behind screens or curtains to converse with gentlemen callers. Only when they were sure no men were present could they venture onto the palace’s veranda or walk in the gardens. On the rare occasions they left the palace grounds, court women rode in carriages, peering at the outside world through reed lattice windows.3 Such was life for upper-class women in the Heian era, a period of Japanese history that ran from 794 to 1185.

然而,女性在这个世界里至关重要。她们拥有继承权,包括财产和继承权。4因此,尽管平安时代的女性被禁止公开行使权力,但在爱情和艺术等其他领域,她们仍然与男性平等相处。5她们的文学作品至今仍具有影响力,其原因在于18她们在诗歌、日记和小说中展现的优美艺术价值。6女性在文学艺术领域获得影响力,部分原因是男性在制定文明和学术标准的过程中,在诗歌和文学方面却显得游移不定。

Yet women were important in this world. They possessed the rights of inheritance, including of property and succession.4 Thus, although they were barred from the overt exercise of power, women at the Heian court still dealt with men on equal terms in other areas, like love and art.5 But the reason their literary works still have an impact today concerns the artistic 18values they expressed so beautifully in their poems, diaries and novels.6 Women gained influence in the literary arts in part because men, in the process of setting the standards of civilisation and learning, left themselves adrift when it came to poetry and literature.

与许多其他亚洲国家一样,日本长期以来视中国为一切文明的源头,从政府到法律,从艺术到建筑,无所不包。甚至连书写系统也源自中国。然而,诗歌却带来了一个问题。中国诗歌的惯例遵循着日本人不熟悉的结构和发音,并且要求诗歌必须提及中国特有的事物,从历史事件到名山大川。早期尝试用中文创作诗歌的日本诗人,其作品并不十分成功。“不难想象,”文学学者唐纳德·基恩写道,“这些诗歌大多极其贫乏。” 7

Like many other Asian countries, Japan had long looked to China as the source of all that was civilised, importing everything from government to law, art to architecture. Even the writing system was a Chinese import. Poetry, however, posed a problem. Chinese poetic conventions conformed to unfamiliar structures and sounds, and dictated that references be made to particularly Chinese things, from historical events to famous mountains. Early Japanese poets trying to compose poetry in Chinese didn’t fare particularly well. ‘As might easily be imagined,’ writes the literary scholar Donald Keene, ‘most of this poetry is exceedingly poor.’7

平安时代的女性没有学习书写汉字;尽管像清这样的少数上流社会女性确实学会了一些,但她们不得不向男性隐瞒自己的知识。清可以提及她对中国古典文学的了解,但不能在公共场合背诵。8不过,到了她那个时代,出现了一种变通的方法——一种名为“假名”的日语表音字母。由于男性被要求用中文写诗,因此用母语写的诗歌和散文被称为“女人的手写文字”(女出)。

Women of the Heian era were not taught to write Chinese characters; although a few upper-class women like Sei did manage to learn some, they had to hide their knowledge from men. Sei could allude to her knowledge of classical Chinese literature, but she couldn’t recite it in public.8 However, by her time there was a workaround – a phonetic Japanese alphabet called kana. Since men were expected to write poetry in Chinese, poetry and prose written in the native language became known as writing in a ‘woman’s hand’ (onna-de).

男性有时确实会使用假名写作。例如,当他们想让女性读者理解他们的爱情诗时,这很有帮助。此外,那些从事日记等被认为是女性专属的文学体裁的男性,也常常假扮成女性。9母语写作使男性和女性都能自由地表达内心的感受,而这些私密的叙述也与女性的文学创作息息相关。

Men did sometimes write using kana. It was helpful, for instance, when they wanted a love-poem to be understood by a female recipient. In addition, men who wrote in literary genres considered to be the province of women, such as diaries, often pretended to be female.9 Writing in their native language enabled both men and women the freedom to express their innermost feelings, and these intimate accounts became associated with women’s literary production.

如今,人们可能会在浪漫邂逅后向爱人发送精心挑选的表情符号19;而在清的时代,她们会发送一首用优雅书法书写的情诗,这首诗的纸张颜色和质地都经过精心挑选,像折纸一样折叠起来,并配上一束相配的鲜花。在日本平安时代,这种品味至关重要。不雅的诗歌引用、略显草率的书法、质地错误的纸张、稀释的墨水:任何这样的失误都会扼杀一段萌芽的恋情,就像今天一串不敏感的表情符号一样。10这种在品味方面运用判断力的能力使平安女性能够创造出新的审美享受领域;在清的例子中,这包括探索小孩、动物和物品的可爱所带来的乐趣。

Today, people might send a carefully chosen emoji to a 19lover after a romantic encounter; in Sei’s time, they would send a love-poem penned in elegant calligraphy on paper carefully chosen for its colour and quality, folded like origami and accompanied by a matching spray of flowers. In Japan’s Heian era, such matters of taste were vital. An inelegant poetic reference, slightly slipshod calligraphy, paper of the wrong texture, watered-down ink: any such misstep would kill a budding romance as surely as an insensitive string of emoji would today.10 This ability to exercise judgement in matters of taste enabled Heian women to create new areas of aesthetic enjoyment; in Sei’s case, this included an exploration of the pleasures offered by the cuteness of small children, animals and objects.

世界上第一份可爱事物清单

The world’s first list of cute things

《枕草子》最初可能只是一本笔记本,清在其中记录了诗意的灵感或琐事,以取悦皇后。这或许解释了书中穿插着各种清单,例如“令人心跳加速的事物”和“时间流逝的场合”。这些清单在日本文学中并无先例。11其中,就包括日本文学中最早出现的引发可爱感的物品和场合。

The Pillow Book probably began as a notebook in which Sei recorded poetic inspirations or trifles to entertain her empress. This would account for the various lists sprinkled throughout, such as ‘Things That Make the Heart Beat Faster’ and ‘Occasions When Time Drags By’. These lists had no literary antecedent in Japan.11 And among them is the earliest expression in Japanese literature of items and occasions that prompt the feeling of cuteness.

清写作的时候,“可爱”(kawaii)这个词还不存在,所以她用了“utsukushi”(美人)这个词。12如今,“可爱”这个词的意思是“美丽的”,但在前现代日本,它表示社会地位较高的人对自己所负责的人怀有的爱慕之情。如今,“可爱”这个词有时也有同样的用法,但现代“可爱”的含义要广泛得多。13

When Sei was writing, the word kawaii didn’t exist, so she used the word utsukushi.12 Today this word means beautiful, but in pre-modern Japan it signalled the feeling of affection that people in a higher social position felt towards those people for whom they were responsible. Today the word kawaii is sometimes used in the same way, but modern kawaii has a much broader meaning.13

作为一名才华横溢的诗人,Sei 能够将这个词的有限含义拓展到令人愉悦且意想不到的境界。她将清单上的所有事物与“可爱”联系起来,而“可爱”20这种常见的感觉尚未受到足够的重视,以至于无法用一个词来描述它的所有表现形式。

As a talented poet, Sei was able to take the limited meaning of this word and expand it in delightful and unexpected directions. She did this by linking all the items on her list to cuteness, 20a common feeling that hadn’t yet received enough attention to warrant a single word describing all of its manifestations.

清少纳言所处的世界,尊贵却又乏味。宫廷女性被要求待在宫廷幽暗的房间里,与世隔绝。除了闲聊风月八卦,几乎无事可做。清少纳言凭借其机智的谈吐赢得了一席之地,而她的主要任务就是款待皇后。我想,她列出的可爱事物清单,本意是为了让皇后一一念出,以此来展现她们身边平凡的日常生活中,也充满了与可爱邂逅的美好。

The world that Sei Shōnagon inhabited was privileged, but also boring. Women of the court were expected to stay inside, cloistered inside dark palace rooms. There was little to do except gossip about love affairs. Sei’s witty conversational skills gained her a position there, and her main task was to entertain the empress. I think her list of cute things was intended to be read aloud, one item at a time, as a way to demonstrate that the everyday, mundane life happening around them was full of delightful encounters with cuteness.

为了实现这一点,Sei 使用了一个普通的词,并将其像宝石一样翻转过来,展现出新的面向。她列表上的每一项都揭示了另一种欣赏可爱的方式。让我们来看看第一行,它只是“在甜瓜上画一个孩子的脸”。在 Sei 的时代,在甜瓜上画脸是一种常见的消遣,尤其是对妇女和儿童而言。14然而,Sei 在这份列表中使用的词utsukushi通常描述男人对妻子和孩子的感情。15第一​​行开始,Sei 就颠覆了这个词的含义,以表明一幅简单的轮廓画可以在任何人身上引发同样的感觉。今天我们仍然觉得在甜瓜上画一个孩子的脸很可爱,这绝非巧合。这种简化是现代可爱设计的标志,从 Charlie Brown 到 Hello Kitty。我们稍后会回到这个简化的美学原则。

To accomplish this, Sei used an ordinary word and turned it around, like a gemstone, to reveal new facets. Each item on her list reveals another way to appreciate cuteness. Let’s take the first line, which is simply ‘A child’s face drawn on a melon’. Drawing faces on melons was a common pastime in Sei’s day, especially for women and children.14 Yet the word Sei uses in this list, utsukushi, normally described a man’s affection for his wife and children.15 From the first line, Sei upends the meaning of this word to show that this same feeling can be triggered in anyone by a simple outline drawing. The fact that this idea of a child’s face drawn on a melon still feels cute to us today is no coincidence. Such simplification is a hallmark of modern cute designs, from Charlie Brown to Hello Kitty. We’ll return to this aesthetic principle of reduction later.

清单上的下一项涉及宫廷女性的一种常见娱乐活动。她们会捕捉一只小麻雀,并在它的腿上系一根线,这样她们就能把它抱在怀里,看着它的父母喂食。通过将正在喂食的幼鸟称为“utukushi”,Sei再次颠覆了这个词的传统定义,并向观众展示了幼鸟与儿童面部轮廓画之间的联系,这是以前从未有人想到过的。这两种截然不同的事物唤起了相同的感受,而21当时的词语只能部分地捕捉到这种感受。这就是诗歌语言的意义所在。它开启新的体验,让人们以不同的视角看待周围的世界。

The next item on the list concerns a common activity with which court women amused themselves. They would capture a baby sparrow and tie a thread around its leg, so they could keep it close and watch as its parents fed it. By calling a baby bird being fed utsukushi, Sei again upends the usual definition of the word and shows her audience a connection between baby birds and outline drawings of children’s faces that no one had thought of before. These two completely different things evoke the same feeling, which is only partially captured by the word 21available at the time. This is what poetic language is all about. It opens up new experiences and makes people see the world around them in a different light.

这是Sei列表中另一个可爱动物的例子:“漂亮的白色小鸡,羽毛尚未完全长齐,看起来好像衣服太短了;它们大声吱吱叫着,用长腿跟着母鸡走,或者走在母鸡旁边。”用“ utsukushi ”来描述动物家庭,消除了这个词的父权制和等级制内涵,并将其引向了一个新的方向,使Sei的观众能够欣赏自然世界和人类世界之间的联系。

Here is another example of cute animals from Sei’s list: ‘Pretty, white chicks who are still not fully fledged and look as if their clothes are too short for them; cheeping loudly, they follow one on their long legs or walk close to the mother hen.’ Descriptions of animal families as utsukushi removes the patriarchal, hierarchical connotations of this word and bends it in a new direction that enables Sei’s audience to appreciate the connection between the natural and human worlds.

她清单上的许多内容都与人类儿童有关。小孩子穿着长长的礼服走过,自豪地向大人展示在地上找到的小物件,以及他们长袖滑稽可笑,这些都会出现在清单上。大一点的孩子用稚嫩的声音练习大声朗读,或者歪着头仔细观察某物,都显得可爱至极。所有这些瞬间都蕴含着观察孩子们热情洋溢、庄重迷人的表情,以及他们努力模仿成人行为的乐趣。它们也揭示了这些上流社会女性的特权生活,她们无需承担任何养育孩子的繁琐环节。“有人抱起一个漂亮的婴儿,在怀里抱了一会儿,”Sei写道。“当你抚摸他的时候,他会依偎在你的脖子上,然后睡着了。”想必,哭闹的婴儿会被交给仆人,然后迅速被带走。

Many of the items on her list involve human children. Small children make the list when they walk by in long ceremonial robes, when they proudly show a tiny object they found on the ground to an adult, and when their sleeves are comically long. Older children are cute when they practise reading aloud in their childish voices, or tilt their heads to examine something closely. All these moments encompass the joy of watching children’s enthusiasm, their engaging solemnity or their struggle to match adult behaviours. They also reveal the privileged existence of these upper-class women, who didn’t need to perform any of the messy parts of child-rearing. ‘One picks up a pretty baby and holds him for a while in one’s arms,’ Sei writes. ‘While one is fondling him, he clings to one’s neck and then falls asleep.’ Presumably crying babies were handed over to the servants and swiftly taken out of sight.

清单中还包括许多小物件,例如“人偶展示时使用的物品”。平安时代,玩偶和玩偶屋在贵族家庭的女孩中很流行。女儿节(hina matsuri)起源于平安时代,至今日本各地的女孩们仍在庆祝,她们的玩偶穿着与清时代相同的宫廷礼服。但清单上并没有提到玩偶本身,而是着重介绍了22与之配套的微型玩偶屋家具和餐具。这引出了清单中最著名的一句关于小物的文字:“有人捡起漂浮在池塘上的一片小荷叶,仔细端详。不仅是荷叶,还有小小的蜀葵,事实上,所有小东西,都是最可爱的。”

The list also includes many small items, such as ‘The objects used during the Display of Dolls’. Playing with dolls and doll’s houses was popular among girls from noble families in the Heian period. The Doll Festival (hina matsuri), which traces its origins to the Heian era, is celebrated to this day by girls all over Japan, whose dolls wear the same ceremonial court dress as in Sei’s time. But the list doesn’t mention the dolls themselves; rather, it focuses on the miniature doll’s-house furnishings 22and tableware that accompany them. This leads into the most famous line of the list, which concerns small things: ‘One picks up a tiny lotus leaf that is floating on a pond and examines it. Not only the lotus leaves, but little hollyhock flowers, and indeed all small things, are most adorable.’

《枕草子》的可爱事物清单不仅仅是列举了可爱的例子;它构建了一种新的审美,指导了哪些类型的物体和互动可能引发可爱的感觉。清少纳言以此为一种生物现象赋予了文化声音。她的清单经受住了时间的考验,不仅因为它持续受欢迎,也因为她的观察结果始终如一。最近关于可爱的研究表明,可爱仍然与小巧、圆润、光滑的形状以及人们想要放在身边的事物联系在一起,比如动物幼崽。16音乐学家大卫·休伦发现,高音调的声音被认为是可爱的,这可能包括清少纳言描述的鸟儿的鸣叫和孩子大声朗读的声音。17此外,清单的配色方案,包括淡紫色的长袍、粉红色的花朵、乳白色的鸭蛋和天蓝色的瓮,与研究表明如今被认为是“可爱”的色调相同。18

The Pillow Book’s list of adorable things does more than simply give examples of cuteness; it builds a new aesthetic by providing guidelines on what types of objects and interactions may trigger the feeling of cuteness. In this way Sei Shōnagon gives a cultural voice to a biological phenomenon. Her list has stood the test of time not only in its continued popularity, but in the consistency of her observations. Recent research on cuteness shows that it is still associated with small, round and smooth shapes, as well as things that people want to keep close by them, like baby animals.16 Musicologist David Huron found that high-pitched sounds are considered cute, which might include the cheeping birds and the voice of a child reading aloud that Sei describes.17 Furthermore, the list’s colour palette, which includes lavender robes, pink flowers, creamy-white duck eggs and sky-blue urns, comprise the same shades that research shows are considered kawaii today.18

给当今女性的建议

Advice for women today

“结婚生子”——这就是女人幸福的全部吗?说这句台词的漫画人物头大眼小,但她绝不软弱被动,封面插图上她还调皮地吐着舌头。《今天又玩起来了!》是清少纳言人生的漫画版,旨在帮助女性克服日本社会依然普遍存在的性别歧视。19对于那些正在努力寻找自己的人生道路、摆脱传统性别角色的日本女性来说,清少纳言的生活和工作是一种启发。这类改编之所以受欢迎,是因为她的23生活和工作鼓励女性自信地面对逆境,并将生活视为自我发现的旅程。它们向现代读者表明,在日常生活中看到有趣和可爱的事物,是打破将女性角色限制在婚姻和生儿育女的传统性别角色的可行替代方案。20

‘“Getting married and having children” – is this all that makes a woman happy?’ The manga character who speaks this line has a big head, large eyes and a small body, but she’s far from weak and passive, cheekily sticking out her tongue on the cover illustration. Having Fun Again Today! is a manga version of Sei Shōnagon’s life that seeks to help women weather the sexism that is still prevalent in Japanese society.19 For Japanese women who are struggling to find their own path in life and depart from traditional gender roles, the life and work of Sei Shōnagon are an inspiration. Such adaptations are popular because her 23life and work encourage women to face adversity with self-confident aplomb and view life as a voyage of self-discovery. They indicate to modern readers that seeing the funny and cute in everyday life is a viable alternative to traditional gender roles that limit a woman’s role to marriage and children.20

平安时代的日本大体上处于和平时期,上流社会除了在生活的各个方面培养美感和品味外,几乎无事可做。21尽管贵族人数只有几千人,但他们的审美价值观却传遍了全国。22部分原因是女性作家树立的格调成为了标准,后来也被男性所采用。23这就是为什么女性的经历以及她们在诗歌和散文中表达这些经历的方式成为日本艺术价值观发展的核心这种价值观至今仍占据主导地位。这种文学平等——即拿起纸笔写作时男性和女性处于平等地位的感觉——是平安时代的女作家仍然激励着现代日本女性继续争取完全社会平等的原因之一。

Japan was largely peaceful in the Heian era, leaving the upper class little to do but cultivate beauty and taste in all aspects of life.21 Although the nobility numbered only a few thousand, their aesthetic values spread across the land.22 This happened in part because the tone set by female writers became the standard and was later adopted by men as well.23 This is one way in which women’s experience, and their method of relating it in both verse and prose, became central to the development of Japanese artistic values that continue to hold sway today. This literary parity – the sense that men and women are on equal ground when they take up pen and paper to write – is one reason why the women writers of the Heian period still inspire modern Japanese women in their continuing struggle for full social equality.

此外,追求艺术可以提升自我的理念也在这个时代确立。24现代人对“可爱”的态度也反映了这一理念:在日本,人们相信培养对可爱事物的欣赏能力会对自身生活产生积极的影响。在平安时代,欣赏可爱是治疗无聊的良药。如今,日本人认为可爱是一种力量,可以帮助人们对抗抑郁、焦虑或工作不满带来的不快乐。

Furthermore, the idea that artistic pursuits could lead to self-improvement became established in this era.24 The modern attitude towards kawaii reflects this idea: in Japan, people believe that cultivating the appreciation of cute things has a positive effect on one’s own life. In the Heian court, contemplating cuteness was a cure for boredom. Today, Japanese people cite cuteness as a force that can help to combat unhappiness stemming from depression, anxiety or dissatisfaction at work.

平安宫廷女性创作的文学作品历代流传,广受传诵。现代日本女性敬仰清少纳言,因为她开创了一段充满智慧和才智的文学生涯,并因此受到重视和赞扬。与此同时,她的感性也因其新颖而现代的风格而引发共鸣,尽管她列出的可爱事物清单表达了一种24人类自古以来可能就一直存在的情感。

The literature produced by women in the Heian court has been read and taught through the ages. Modern Japanese women admire Sei Shōnagon because she forged a career in which her wit and wisdom were valued and applauded. At the same time, her sensibility resonates because it seems fresh and modern, even though her list of cute things expresses an 24emotion that humans have probably felt since the beginning of time.

三种艺术价值:小、暂时、愉悦

Three artistic values: small, temporary and delightful

《枕草子》中贯穿始终的作者笔调清晰地展现了一位风趣、聪明,而且最重要的是风趣的女性。日本传统的侘寂文化,即质朴的朴素和淡雅的优雅,与其热情洋溢的卡哇伊文化看似截然不同,但两者之间却比乍看之下更加接近。Sei 的榜单围绕着三项指导原则展开,这些原则反映了日本艺术和艺术根深蒂固的美学理念,也是后来卡哇伊文化发展的关键,从色彩缤纷、活力四射的宝可梦到面无表情、神秘莫测的 Hello Kitty。让我们一一回顾。

The authorial voice that pervades The Pillow Book clearly conveys a woman who is witty, clever and, most of all, fun. Japan’s traditional culture of wabi-sabi, or rustic simplicity and sparse elegance, appears fundamentally separate from its ebullient kawaii culture, but the two are closer than they first appear. Sei’s list is organised around three guiding principles that reflect deep-rooted aesthetics of Japanese art and artistry and were key to the later development of everything kawaii, from colourful, energetic Pokémon to the expressionless and enigmatic Hello Kitty. Let’s look at them one by one.

“一切物皆可爱,”清少纳言(斜体字为本人所加)写道。然而,在日本,对小巧的喜爱并不仅限于可爱的物品。韩国学者李敖英(O-Young Lee)写了一整本书来探讨日本文化如何重视小物件。他指出,折扇——一项古老的日本发明——是“想象力”的早期例证,他认为这种想象力深深植根于日本文化,这种想象力“力求将事物变得更小,将侏儒理想化,而非巨人”。25扇子从大而扁平变为小而可折叠时,它们获得了新的价值,成为可以握在手中或收纳在和服袖子里的东西。26李敖英认为,日本人喜欢小物件,因为它们反映了人们对与物品建立更亲密关系的渴望。27在日本,对微型化事物的偏爱随处可见,从传统的盆栽和俳句,到现代的随身听和神奇宝贝——毕竟,神奇宝贝是“口袋妖怪”的简称。Sei 清单上的所有物品——从孩子到幼崽,从鸡蛋到玻璃罐——都小巧而脆弱。

‘All small things are most adorable,’ writes Sei Shōnagon (italics mine). In Japan, however, the attraction to the diminutive is not limited to cute objects. The Korean scholar O-Young Lee wrote an entire book about how Japanese culture values small items. He points to the folding fan – an ancient Japanese invention – as an early example of ‘an imaginative power’ that he believes to be deeply rooted in Japanese culture, one that ‘seeks to make things smaller, that idealizes the dwarf over the giant’.25 When fans went from large and flat to small and folding, they attained a new value as something that could be held in the hand and stored inside the sleeve of a kimono.26 Lee believes that the Japanese enjoy small things because they reflect the desire for a more intimate relation to objects.27 The penchant for miniaturisation appears everywhere in Japan, from traditional bonsai and haiku to the modern Walkman and Pokémon – the last of which, after all, is short for ‘pocket monsters’. All the items on Sei’s list – from children to baby animals, eggs to glass pots – are small and vulnerable.

儿童和二十五动物可爱的外表和滑稽动作之所以令人感到特别心酸,是因为我们知道它们都是暂时的——随着年龄的增长,它们会消失。我们之所以喜欢 Sei 名单上的事物,部分原因就在于我们意识到它们是暂时的,必须在它们消失之前尽情享受。这种对短暂性的偏爱是日本最早的艺术价值观之一。28文学史学家唐纳德·基恩称之为“最具日本特色的审美理想”。29例如,樱花虽然只有短短的几天,但日本到处都种植着观赏樱花树;在落花时节举办派对的习俗始于平安时代,一直延续到今天。

The cute appearance and antics of young children as well as 25animals have a special poignancy because we know they have a temporary nature – they will vanish with maturity. Part of our enjoyment of the things that appear on Sei’s list is due to this awareness that they are temporary and must be enjoyed to the full before they fade away. This preference for transience is among the earliest Japanese artistic values.28 The literary historian Donald Keene called it ‘the most distinctively Japanese aesthetic ideal’.29 Cherry blossoms, for example, bloom for only a few glorious days, yet ornamental cherry trees are planted everywhere in Japan; the custom of holding parties amid the falling blossoms, which began in the Heian era, continues today.

清少纳言坚称她写作是为了娱乐,事实上, 《枕草子》中出现最频繁的形容词——准确地说是 445 次——是okashi。30这个词仍然在使用,但如今它指的是有趣或荒谬的事物。在平安时代,它泛指令人愉快的事物,即“娱乐、吸引、愉悦、取悦和迷惑”的事物。31是《枕草子》的中心主题,因为分享有趣的东西是清少纳言在宫廷中的重要角色。她已经磨练出对某个物体或瞬间所能产生的愉悦感的感知,以至于她只需描述一个小孩在地上爬行,或者小鸡滑稽的长腿,就能取悦她的观众。

Sei Shōnagon insisted that she wrote for fun, and indeed the adjective that appears most frequently in The Pillow Book – 445 times, to be exact – is okashi.30 This word is still used, but these days it refers to something funny or absurd. In the Heian era it referred broadly to the delightful, that which ‘entertains, intrigues, delights, pleases and beguiles’.31 It is a central motif of The Pillow Book because sharing amusing things was an important aspect of Sei’s role at court. She had honed her sense of the frisson of pleasure that an object or moment could produce to the extent that she could delight her audience simply by describing a small child crawling along the ground, or the comically long legs of baby chicks.

《枕草子》列出的可爱事物描述了一些触发“可爱”感的情境。其中一些源于想要照顾或养育某物的渴望,而另一些则围绕着乐趣和嬉戏的时刻。一些科学家认为,这代表了两种截然不同的“可爱”,并将后者称为“异想天开的可爱”。32觉得这很有道理——我们想要和可爱的东西玩耍的可能性和想要照顾它的可能性一样大。因此,一个社会对待“玩耍”这一概念的方式可能会影响其艺术和文学作品中“可爱”的呈现。二十六

The Pillow Book’s list of adorable things describes situations that trigger the feeling of cuteness. Some of these stem from the desire to take care of or nurture something, but others are oriented around fun and playful moments. Some scientists believe that these represent two distinct categories of cuteness, and they term the latter ‘whimsical cuteness’.32 This makes sense to me – we’re just as likely to want to play with something cute as we are to take care of it. It follows that the way a society treats the idea of play may influence the appearance of cuteness in its art and literature. 26

日本艺术中的嬉戏动物:嬉戏动物卷轴

Playful animals in Japanese art: the Scroll of Frolicking Animals

我们生来就是为了玩耍,

We are all born to play,

生来就是为了玩乐。

Born to have fun.

听到孩子们玩耍的声音,

Hearing the voices of children at play,

甚至放松了我老迈的四肢。

Loosens even my old limbs.

十二世纪末《良人秘章》选集中的流行歌曲

Popular song in the Ryōjin-hishō anthology, late twelfth century

如果科学家们认为欣赏可爱是人类大脑的天性,那么我们一直以来就倾向于欣赏孩子们的滑稽动作——或者至少是自己孩子滑稽的动作。当你正要工作时,一群邻居家的孩子在你办公室窗外尖叫,或许不如你家孩子开心大笑时激起同样的反应。但就像上面引用的那首日本传统民歌的歌手一样,我们有时都会羡慕孩子们无忧无虑地玩耍,甚至渴望加入他们。

If the scientists are right in thinking that an appreciation for cuteness is wired into our brains, then we have always been predisposed to enjoy the antics of young children – or at least the antics of our young children. A group of neighbourhood kids screaming outside your office window when you’re trying to work may not provoke the same response as the delighted laugh of one of your own. But like the singer in the traditional Japanese folk song quoted above, we all envy the carefree abandon of children at play at times, and may even yearn to join them.

野生动物——从狮子、老虎到熊——有时会和幼崽一起玩耍。而成年人则将玩耍提升到了一个新的高度。我们的生活充满了各种有趣的消遣。但成年人的玩耍蕴含着一种根本的矛盾。一方面,我们常常告诉自己不要把生活看得太严肃。另一方面,我们又说生活并非全是玩乐。一个社会如何处理这种矛盾,或许可以解释可爱元素是否会出现在其艺术和文学作品中。

Wild animals – from lions and tigers to bears – will sometimes join their cubs in play. Human adults, on the other hand, take play to another level. We fill our lives with amusing distractions. But adult play contains a fundamental tension. On the one hand, we often tell ourselves not to take life too seriously. On the other, we say that life is not all fun and games. How a society deals with this tension may explain whether cuteness appears in its art and literature.

以中世纪的欧洲为例。那里的生活绝非沉闷。恰恰相反,正如荷兰历史学家约翰·赫伊津哈所写:“生活充满了玩乐:人们欢快无拘无束的玩乐,其中充满了异教元素,这些元素失去了神圣的意义,沦为玩笑和滑稽。” 33赫伊津哈之所以特别提到“异教元素”,是因为宗教改变了社会对玩乐的认知,即便没有改变人们参与玩乐的倾向。然而,玩乐依然是异教的,因为基督徒认为它是对二十七上帝的轻浮干扰。艺术旨在表达严肃的宗教主题,这或许可以解释为什么可爱元素在中世纪欧洲的艺术中远不如在日本出现。

Take medieval Europe as an example. Life there was anything but dull. On the contrary, as the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga writes: ‘Life was brimful of play: the joyous and unbuttoned play of the people, full of pagan elements that had lost their sacred significance and been transformed into jesting and buffoonery.’33 Huizinga singles out ‘pagan elements’ because religion had transformed the social perception of play, if not people’s tendency to engage in it. However, play remained pagan because Christians saw it as a frivolous distraction from 27God. Art was meant to express serious, religious themes, which might explain why cuteness appears far less in the art of medieval Europe than it did in Japan.

然而,西方艺术家偶尔也会玩弄一些花样。花费大量时间抄写手稿的僧侣有时会在他们正在创作的书籍的空白处涂鸦。这些旁注包括怪物和像人类一样行动的动物的图像,但它们往往看起来怪诞而奇怪。34不过,其中一些可能被认为是可爱的。在一幅这样的插图中,一只兔子与一只狗决斗。兔子看起来很惊讶,好像它就要从它骑着的长着胡须的人脸蜗牛上掉下来。像这样的旁注将滑稽、古怪和可爱融为一体,但最后一种可爱与其他元素相比显得无关紧要。欧洲艺术家在可爱方面做得并不多。

And yet Western artists did occasionally play around. Monks who spent many hours copying manuscripts sometimes doodled in the margins of the books they were working on. These marginalia include images of monsters and animals acting like humans, but they tend to look grotesque and strange.34 However, a few of them might be considered cute. In one such illustration, a rabbit jousts with a dog. The rabbit looks surprised, as if he’s about to fall off the snail with a bearded human face that he’s riding into combat. Marginalia like this mix the funny, the odd and the cute all together, but the last is peripheral to the others. European artists simply didn’t do much with cuteness.

清少纳言将平安宫廷日常生活中的趣事变成了高雅艺术。但玩乐在日本文化中的重要性可能远比《枕草子》中的表达更为深刻。历史学家 Michal Daliot-Bul 指出,清少纳言参与形成的女性文学传统将笑声和一切有趣的事物理想化,但她也表示,这种趋势受到“视笑声为精神赋能”的宗教传统的影响。35一群与世隔绝的无聊贵族渴望互相取悦,认为他们可以用笑声来提升自己的灵魂,这未免有些牵强,但我们姑且假设 Daliot-Bul 是对的。毕竟,在任何文化中,要让可爱出现在艺术中,都必须在某种程度上受到重视。日本文化中“卡哇伊”的出现是否与嬉戏玩乐与神的力量有关?

Sei Shōnagon took the amusing minutiae of everyday life in the Heian court and turned it into high art. But the importance of play in Japanese culture may run much deeper than its expression in The Pillow Book. The historian Michal Daliot-Bul notes that the female literary tradition that Sei helped to form idealises laughter and everything amusing, but she also says that this trend was informed by a religious tradition that ‘sees laughter as spiritually empowering’.35 It’s quite a leap to say that a cloistered group of bored nobles desperate to amuse each other thought they could elevate their souls with laughter, but let’s suppose that Daliot-Bul is right. After all, for cuteness to emerge in the arts in any culture, it has to be taken seriously on some level. Could the appearance of kawaii in Japanese culture be connected to the association of the playful and amusing with the power of the gods?

文学学者唐纳德·基恩观察到,到了十世纪,平安时代的宫廷社会已将唯美主义提升到近乎宗教的程度。36诗歌、时尚和爱情在他们的世界中至关重要。然而,早在《枕草 子》成之前,日本宗教就已将玩乐的元素融入其核心。37日本本土宗教神道教充满了通过歌舞和音乐娱乐来安抚复仇之神的故事。“戏神”(kami asobi),正如人们所知,是一种精心策划的讨好强大神灵的策略。38自古以来,日本人就相信取悦神灵会使其与自己更加亲近,从而建立一种对他们有利的亲密关系。简而言之,笑声既能吸引神灵,又能讨好他们。通过这种方式,宗教崇拜被认为既有趣又能赋予精神力量。39二十八

The literary scholar Donald Keene observes that by the tenth century Heian court society had elevated aestheticism to something close to a religion.36 Poetry, fashion and love affairs were of vital importance in their world. Long before The Pillow 28Book was written, however, Japanese religion had integrated playful elements into its core.37 Shinto, the indigenous Japanese religion, is full of stories of vengeful gods being appeased through singing, dancing and musical entertainment. ‘Playing with the gods’ (kami asobi), as this was known, comprised a deliberate strategy to curry favour with powerful deities.38 From ancient times, Japanese believed that entertaining a deity would bring it closer to them, forging an intimate relationship that would work to their advantage. Put simply, laughter both attracted the gods and curried their favour. In this way religious worship was regarded as simultaneously amusing and spiritually empowering.39

宗教与娱乐之间的历史渊源至今犹存;日本各地的神社和寺庙仍然举办热闹的节日庆典,人们抬着被称为“神轿”的微型神社在街上游行。我东京家附近的“鸽子森林”神社每年都会举办几场这样的活动,届时志愿者神轿抬着的吟唱声会在我的街区回荡。这一习俗让人想起我们与可爱事物的关系,正如入户野宏的研究表明,可爱的东西会吸引我们靠近,以便我们与它们玩耍。在日本,神社和寺庙利用可爱来吸引信徒的情况相当普遍。有些神社和寺庙出售带有Hello Kitty或其他可爱人物形象的护身符。40东京的德寺装饰着数千只招财猫,这些招财猫是由感激的祈求者捐赠的,而“鸽子森林”神社则在每年新年分发折成纸鸽的福气。41

This historical connection between religion and fun exists to this day; shrines and temples still host raucous festivals all over Japan in which miniature shrines called mikoshi are paraded through the streets. The ‘Pigeon Forest’ shrine near my home in Tokyo mounts several of these each year, when the rhythmic chants of volunteer shrine-bearers echo through my neighbourhood. This custom recalls our relationship with cute things, which – as Hiroshi Nittono’s research suggests – beckon us closer in order that we play with them. In Japan it’s fairly common for shrines and temples to use cuteness as a way of attracting worshippers. Some sell protective amulets that depict Hello Kitty, or other cute characters of their own invention.40 Gotokuji Temple in Tokyo is adorned with thousands of beckoning cat figures that have been donated by grateful supplicants, while the Pigeon Forest shrine distributes fortunes folded into an origami pigeon each New Year.41

猫和鸽子似乎是一种奇怪的生物,与神社和寺庙联系在一起,但在日本民间信仰中,动物经常被神骑乘,作为神的信使出现,或仅仅表示神的存在。42我们转向现存最古老的日本视觉艺术作品之一时,我们应该记住这一点,这件作品以现代人的眼光来看很可爱:二十九十二世纪的官方“国宝”,被称为嬉戏动物卷轴

Cats and pigeons might seem strange creatures to be associated with shrines and temples, but in Japanese folk belief animals are frequently ridden by gods, appear as their messengers or just signal their presence.42 We should keep this in mind as we turn to one of the oldest-surviving Japanese works of visual art that strikes the modern eye as cute: the 29twelfth-century official ‘national treasure’ known as the Scroll of Frolicking Animals.

图 1.1:东京豪德寺的招财猫雕像。

Fig. 1.1: Beckoning cat figures at Gotokuji Temple, Tokyo.

图 1.2:东京神社的折纸鸽子运势。三十

Fig. 1.2: Origami pigeon fortunes at a Tokyo shrine. 30

世界上最古老的动漫?

The world’s oldest anime?

卷轴中最著名的一幕以一只奔跑的猴子开始,它头上的宽边帽被风吹落,用一根绳子系在脖子上。猴子一边逃跑,一边回头看着几只愤怒的青蛙和兔子,它们正向它挥舞着棍子。展开卷轴,犯罪现场逐渐显露出来:一只青蛙昏迷不醒地躺在地上,四肢张开。关切的兔子弯下腰照料它;再往前走,一只戴着帽子的猫和一群穿着贵族服饰的狐狸转过身来目瞪口呆,被青蛙的困境和猴子的逃跑逗乐了。最后,在最左边,也就是行动开始的地方,出现了两只跳舞的青蛙。其中一只戴着倒扣的莲花帽,挥舞着扇子和围巾,为一群高兴的动物表演了一出名为“猴子音乐剧”(sarugaku)的​​滑稽歌舞。

The most famous scene in the scroll begins with a running monkey, a broad-brimmed hat blown off his head by the wind and held around his neck by a string. The monkey looks over his shoulder with a delighted grin at several outraged frogs and rabbits waving sticks at him as he makes his escape. Unrolling the scroll further reveals the scene of the crime: a frog is lying on the ground unconscious, his arms and legs splayed. Solicitous rabbits bend over to tend him; further along, a cat in a hat and a family of foxes in aristocratic dress have turned to gawk, amused by the frog’s plight and the monkey’s flight. Finally, at the far left where the action began, two dancing frogs appear. One wears an upside-down lotus pad as a hat as they wave fans and scarves, performing a comic song and dance called the ‘monkey musical’ (sarugaku) to a crowd of delighted animals.

《鸟兽戏画》是日本最受欢迎的艺术作品之一,也是平安时代的杰作。该卷轴于 1899 年被正式注册为古代国宝,是使用简短笔触勾勒人物轮廓(略写法)的早期范例,这种技巧最终形成现代漫画。43这幅画长约 13 码,包含各种栩栩如生的拟人化动物场景:主要有猴子、兔子和青蛙,但也有老鼠、鹿和狐狸。场景发生在田野、山坡和溪流中,动物们装扮成不同阶层的男人和女人,有宫廷贵族、佛教僧侣到劳工。

One of the most beloved works of art in Japan, the Scroll of Frolicking Animals (Chōjū giga) is another Heian-era masterpiece. Officially registered as an ancient national treasure in 1899, the scroll is an early example of the technique of outlining characters using brief brushstrokes (ryakugashiki) that would eventually lead to modern manga.43 Nearly thirteen yards long, it contains various lively scenes of anthropomorphised animals: mainly monkeys, rabbits and frogs, but also mice, deer and foxes. The scenes take place in a landscape of fields, hillsides and streams, with the animals dressed as men and women of various classes, from court nobles and Buddhist monks to labourers.

平安时代,以及之后的时代,神社和寺庙的祭祀活动提供了从魔术到杂耍等多种形式的娱乐活动。哑剧通常内容粗俗,31由戴着面具的演员表演,观众热情参与。卷轴中描绘的猴子音乐剧尤其受欢迎。当时一位评论员写道,这种滑稽的表演让观众笑得“肚子都撑破了”。猴子音乐剧是诸如庄严的能和滑稽的狂言等主流传统艺术的前身,这两种艺术至今仍在上演。猴子音乐剧包括由戴着青蛙面具或帽子的歌手和舞者表演的淫秽哑剧。这幅卷轴以青蛙为表演者,对猴子音乐剧进行了滑稽的演绎。44

Festivals at shrines and temples in the Heian era, as in later times, offered multiple forms of entertainment, from magic to juggling. Pantomimes, which were often obscene, 31were performed by masked actors with enthusiastic participation from the audience. The monkey musical depicted in the scroll was a particular favourite. A commentator at the time wrote that such comic routines caused audiences to laugh hard enough ‘to burst the stomach’. An antecedent of mainstay traditional arts like the stately noh and comic kyōgen dances, both still performed to this day, monkey musicals included risqué pantomime performed by singers and dancers wearing frog masks or hats. The scroll offers a droll take on the monkey musical by depicting frogs as its performers.44

《百兽嬉闹图》的画面没有文字说明,但从右向左展开,画面逐渐展开,各种迷人的场景如同动画电影的分镜般层层递进。除了猴子的音乐场景外,还有青蛙和兔子的相扑比赛,观众哄堂大笑;青蛙和兔子的射箭比赛,狐狸负责计分;以及猴子像骑师一样骑着鹿的“赛马”。

There is no text to accompany the images in the Scroll of Frolicking Animals, but unrolling the scroll from right to left gradually reveals the action, as various charming scenes play out like the storyboard for an animated film. In addition to the monkey musical scene, there is a sumo match between a frog and a rabbit, while a watching crowd laughs uproariously; an archery contest between frogs and rabbits, with a fox keeping score; and a ‘horse race’ in which monkeys ride deer like jockeys.

长期以来,这幅卷轴一直被认为对漫画和动画的起源产生了深远的影响,原因之一在于其描绘的动感活力。动物的情感通过生动的面部表情、手势和眼神交流清晰地传达出来。45除了让我们了解情节之外,这些相互的凝视也展现了每只动物的个性,使场景更具个性。当我们凝视着卷轴上嬉戏的动物时,它们开心的笑容和笑声也会让我们脸上绽放笑容。

The scroll has long been cited as influential to the origin of both manga and anime, and one reason is the dynamic energy of its depictions. The animals’ emotions are clearly conveyed through vivid facial expressions, gestures and eye contact.45 In addition to cluing us in on the action, these reciprocal gazes personalise the scene by showing us the individual character of each animal. As we peer at the frolicking animals on the scroll, their delighted grins and laughter bring a smile to our faces as well.

《嬉戏动物图》的简洁轮廓线也运用了“减法”——另一种根深蒂固的日本传统美学,是现代“卡哇伊”的关键因素。考虑到它所描绘的大量狂热活动,这幅卷轴的简洁性令人叹为观止;风景几乎不露痕迹,人物也用简洁的笔触描绘。运用克制来达到预期效果是三十二禅宗哲学的标志,这种哲学体现在方方面面,从龙安寺的极简主义假山庭园到茶道的简朴之美。46

The simple outline drawings of the Scroll of Frolicking Animals also employ reduction – another traditional Japanese aesthetic with deep roots that is a key factor in modern kawaii. The simplicity of the scroll’s execution is striking, considering the amount of frenetic activity it depicts; the landscape is barely shown, and the characters are drawn with economical strokes. Employing restraint to achieve a desired effect is a hallmark of 32Zen philosophy that appears in everything from the minimalist rock garden at Ryōanji Temple to the sparse beauty of the tea ceremony.46

绘制这幅卷轴的艺术家们创造了一种视觉简写,强化了他们想要吸引注意力的特征。李敖英在描述这种简化原则时写道:“一方面是缩写,另一方面是强调。” 47《枕草子》通过令人难以置信的简洁语言实现了这种强调,而《嬉戏动物卷轴》则通过精心淡化的视觉细节实现了这种强调。简化是现代卡哇伊设计的基石——Hello Kitty 的极简主义就是一个例证——但它的根源可以追溯到900年前这些单色的嬉戏动物场景,它们看起来仿佛是昨天才画出来的。

The artists who painted the scroll created a visual shorthand that intensifies the features to which they wished to draw attention. Describing this principle of reduction, O-Young Lee writes: ‘On one hand there is abbreviation, on the other, emphasis.’47 While The Pillow Book accomplishes this emphasis through an incredible economy of language, the Scroll of Frolicking Animals does so with carefully attenuated visual detail. Reduction is a keystone of modern kawaii design – the minimalism of Hello Kitty is a case in point – but its roots go back 900 years to these monochrome scenes of playful animals that look as if they were painted yesterday.

由于日本文化很大一部分源自中国,因此值得注意的是,这些早期的“卡哇伊”元素似乎并无任何中国先例。例如,中国和韩国都没有类似《枕草子》中提到的日本女儿节。48百兽图》中的拟人化动物也并非受中国艺术传统的启发。49

Because so much of Japanese culture originated in China, it is important to note that these early examples of proto-kawaii don’t seem to have had any Chinese antecedents. For example, neither China nor Korea has anything like the Japanese Doll Festival mentioned in The Pillow Book.48 And the anthropomorphic animals of the Scroll of Frolicking Animals weren’t inspired by the Chinese artistic tradition.49

更重要的是,《枕草子》和《百兽图》表明,日本的“卡哇伊”并非纯粹的现代现象。事实上,它与各种传统美学息息相关——对小巧的偏爱、对短暂易逝之物的珍视,以及对简约的追求——这些美学理念贯穿于日本文化的方方面面。《枕草子》的作者笔下的人物生活在皇后和宫女们与世隔绝的环境中。然而,在平安皇宫的围墙之外,各个社会阶层的男女都与清少纳言一样,对趣味盎然的事物有着同样的热爱。

More importantly, The Pillow Book and the Scroll of Frolicking Animals demonstrate that Japanese kawaii is not a completely modern phenomenon. It is, in fact, connected to various traditional aesthetics – a preference for smallness, the treasuring of the transient and perishable and an enthusiasm for simplicity – that appear across a broad swathe of Japanese culture. The author of The Pillow Book wrote within the cloistered world of the empress and her ladies-in-waiting. Beyond the walls of the Heian imperial palace, however, men and woman of all social classes shared Sei Shōnagon’s penchant for the amusing and the playful.

学者们长期以来一直在寻找创作《百兽嬉闹图》的艺术家,或者至少是其33杰出的赞助人。但还有另一种可能性。12世纪的日本,歌舞、体育和节日盛行,深受各阶层人士的喜爱。或许这幅画作是由来自其所描绘社群的匿名工匠绘制的。

Scholars have long sought to identify the artists responsible for painting the Scroll of Frolicking Animals, or at least their 33illustrious patron. But there is another possibility. Twelfth-century Japan saw a flourishing of songs, dances, sports and festivals popular with people of all social classes. Perhaps the scroll was painted by anonymous artisans who came from the community it depicts.

著名艺术家的工作室往往由来自下层阶级的工匠组成;一些才华横溢的学徒可能会匆匆忙忙地创作这幅画卷,以取悦他们的朋友。由于动物与神灵联系在一起,它们的出现可以被视为祈求神灵庇佑。或者,考虑到它们邪恶的滑稽动作,这幅画卷也可以被解读为对宗教仪式的滑稽戏仿,而这些仪式往往是为了巩固上层阶级的地位。如果这幅著名的画卷是对世俗权威的滑稽戏仿,那么用可爱的动物代替人物就创造了一种模糊性,或许有助于让艺术家们避免麻烦。50

The workshops of famous artists tended to be staffed by artisans from the lower classes; a few talented apprentices may have dashed off the scroll to delight their friends. Since animals are associated with the gods, their presence could be seen as an appeal for divine favour. Or, considering their devilish antics, the scroll could be read as a slapstick send-up of religious rites that tended to cement the position of the upper class. If the famous scroll was a comic send-up of the secular authorities, then having cute animals stand in for people created an ambiguity that might have proved useful in keeping the artists out of trouble.50

在《百兽嬉图》创作的大约同一时期,这类画卷的数量骤然暴增。51如果这些画卷是为平民百姓而作 — — 甚至可能是由平民百姓创作的 — — 那么它们的内容就必然反映了普遍的品味。优雅的贵族清少纳言为贵族观众创作了《枕草子》 。然而,现代的“卡哇伊”则更像是一种自下而上的美学。52由评论家评判、由鉴赏家欣赏的美术作品不同,《百兽嬉图》可能是普通人的品味如何激发出经久不衰的艺术作品的一个早期例子。

There was an abrupt explosion in the number of picture scrolls at around the same time that the Scroll of Frolicking Animals was painted.51 If they were meant for an audience of commoners – and perhaps even produced by them – it follows that their content would reflect universal tastes. The elegant aristocrat Sei Shōnagon wrote The Pillow Book for a noble audience. Modern kawaii, however, is more of a bottom-up aesthetic.52 Unlike fine art, which is judged by critics and appreciated by connoisseurs, the Scroll of Frolicking Animals may be an early example of how the tastes of ordinary people can inspire art that lasts the ages.

这幅卷轴的影响力至今仍持续,因为其中的图案至今仍是日本经久不衰的设计主题。在大学图书馆用电脑工作时,我欣喜地看到卷轴上那只淘气的猴子正从鼠标垫上朝我咧嘴笑着。几年前,我在原宿的一家古董店里买到了一块绣着这幅卷轴场景的和服布料。比起《枕草子》,《百兽嬉闹图》在日本人心中的地位更加牢固。三十四

The influence of the scroll has certainly lasted, for images from it remain a perennially popular design motif in Japan. While working on a computer in a university library, I was delighted to see the mischievous monkey from the scroll grinning up at me from the mouse mat. In a Harajuku antique shop a few years ago, I bought a scrap of kimono fabric that was embroidered with scenes from the scroll. Even more than 34The Pillow Book, the Scroll of Frolicking Animals has cemented its place in the hearts of Japanese people.

在清少纳言的时代,女性为了美貌会剃掉眉毛,涂黑牙齿。如今已无人这样做,就像西方男性不再佩戴扑粉假发一样。如果审美标准会随着时间和地点的变化而变化,那么为什么我们仍然能在一千年前的日本艺术中发现“可爱”的痕迹呢?原因之一可能是,“可爱”的生物学基础根深蒂固,比其他审美观念更加稳定。但这并非全部原因,因为某种事物是否被视为“可爱”,显然与观看者的眼光息息相关。例如,在卷轴画中,狐狸与兔子、青蛙和猴子一起嬉戏,但在世界其他地方,许多人却将它们视为害虫。

In Sei Shōnagon’s day, women shaved their eyebrows and blackened their teeth to look more beautiful. No one does that today, just as men in the West have given up on powdered wigs. If standards of beauty change, depending on the time and place, then why do we still find cuteness in Japanese art from a thousand years ago? One reason could be that the biological basis of cuteness is hard-wired in a way that makes it more stable than other aesthetics. Yet this can’t be the whole answer, because whether something is seen as cute clearly has some connection with the eye of the beholder. Foxes, for example, gambol alongside rabbits, frogs and monkeys in the scroll, but elsewhere in the world many people consider them to be mere pests.

像狐狸这样的动物,其形象比家养的小狗小猫更加矛盾,或许正是探究可爱之根源于自然而非文化的起点。怎样才能让狐狸在所有人眼中都变得可爱呢?

An animal like the fox, which has a more ambivalent image than a domesticated puppy or kitten, may be exactly the place to start an investigation into the roots of cuteness in nature, as opposed to culture. What would it take to make foxes cute to everyone?

笔记

Notes

1 Gergana Ivanova,《解开枕草书:一部日本经典的多重生命》(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2018 年),第 14-62 页。

1 Gergana Ivanova, Unbinding the Pillow Book: The Many Lives of a Japanese Classic (New York: Columbia University Press, 2018), pp. 14–62.

2唐纳德·基恩,《日本文化欣赏》(东京:讲谈社国际,1981 年),第 38 页。

2 Donald Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1981), p. 38.

3清少纳言,《枕草子》,Meredith McKinney 译(伦敦:企鹅经典,2007 年),第 xiv-xv 页。

3 Sei Shōnagon, The Pillow Book, trans. Meredith McKinney (London: Penguin Classics, 2007), pp. xiv–xv.

4 Haruko Wakita,《中世纪日本的女性:母性、家务管理和性》,Alison Tokita 译(东京:东京大学出版社,2006 年),第 78-9 页。

4 Haruko Wakita, Women in Medieval Japan: Motherhood, Household Management and Sexuality, trans. Alison Tokita (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 2006), pp. 78–9.

5 Keene,《日本文化欣赏》,第 38 页。

5 Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture, p. 38.

6同上,第 12 页。

6 Ibid., p. 12.

7同上,第 28-9 页。

7 Ibid., pp. 28–9.

8同上,第 29 页。

8 Ibid., p. 29.

9同上,第 31 页。

9 Ibid., p. 31.

10同上,第 12 页。

10 Ibid., p. 12.

11中国唐代诗人李商隐在其文集《义山杂记》中收录了名录,但这部作品在清少纳言时代的日本尚不为人所知。唐纳德·基恩,《心中的种子:从远古时代到十六世纪晚期的日本文学》(纽约:亨利·霍尔特公司,1993年),第418页。

11 The Chinese T-ang poet Li Shang-yin included lists in his collection I-shan’s Miscellany (I-shan tsa-tsuan), but this work was not known in Japan in Sei Shōnagon’s time. Donald Keene, Seeds in the Heart: Japanese Literature from Earliest Times to the Late Sixteenth Century (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1993), p. 418.

12 “utsukushi”一词最早出现在《竹取物语》(九世纪末/十世纪初),这也是日语最早的小说作品。故事中,一位身材娇小的女主人公——一位被同名主人公发现藏在竹筒里、身高三英寸的女子——被称为“utsukushi”。经过一番冒险,她最终被证明是一位来自月球的魔法公主。这个迷人的故事至今仍广受欢迎:吉卜力工作室于2013年发行了动画版《辉夜姬物语》

12 The earliest use of utsukushi appears in The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter (late ninth/early tenth century), which is also the earliest work of fiction in the Japanese language. The story refers to the diminutive heroine – a tiny woman three inches tall found in a stalk of bamboo by the titular character – as utsukushi. After many adventures she turns out to be a magical princess from the Moon. This charming story continues to be popular: Studio Ghibli released an animated version called The Tale of the Princess Kaguya in 2013.

13例如,sempai(通常翻译为“前辈”),虽然“导师”更贴切,但他可能会用“可爱”来形容“后辈”(kōhai ,意为“学徒”)。“可爱后辈”这个短语出现在吉卜力工作室电影《来自虞美人之坡》(2011年)中。

13 For example, a sempai – usually translated as ‘senior’, though ‘mentor’ fits better – may use kawaii to describe a kōhai, or mentee. The phrase ‘kawaii kōhai’ appears in the Studio Ghibli movie From Up on Poppy Hill (2011).

14 Ivan Morris 编,《清少纳言枕草子》第 2 卷(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,1967 年),第 125 页注 711。

14 Ivan Morris, ed., The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon, Vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), p. 125 n.711.

15日语词典,第 2 版,第 1 卷。 2(日本国语大辞典第二版第二巻)(东京:小学馆,1972 年),第 405-7 页。 209

15 Dictionary of the Japanese Language, 2nd edition, Vol. 2 (日本国語大辞典 第二版 第二巻) (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1972), pp. 405–7. 209

16 Nittono,《“Kawaii”的双层模型》,第 85 页。

16 Nittono, ‘The Two-Layer Model of “Kawaii”’, p. 85.

17 David Huron,《音乐的多元乐趣》,2004 年音乐与音乐科学会议论文集,Johan Sundberg 和 William Brunson 编辑(斯德哥尔摩:瑞典皇家音乐学院和 KTH,2005 年),第 6 页。

17 David Huron, ‘The Plural Pleasures of Music’, Proceedings of the 2004 Music and Music Science Conference, Johan Sundberg and William Brunson, eds (Stockholm: Kungliga Musikhögskolan & KTH, 2005), p. 6.

18 Shiri Lieber-Milo,《粉红采购:审视日本可爱消费的软实力》,《消费文化杂志》第22卷,第3期(2022年),第7页,doi:10.1177/14695405211013849。另请参阅Yuko Hasegawa,《后身份可爱:商业、性别与当代日本艺术》,载Fran Lloyd主编,《消费身体:性与当代日本艺术》(伦敦:Reaktion Books出版社,1991年),第127页。

18 Shiri Lieber-Milo, ‘Pink purchasing: Interrogating the soft power of Japan’s kawaii consumption’, Journal of Consumer Culture 22, 3 (2022), p. 7, doi:10.1177/14695405211013849. See also Yuko Hasegawa, ‘Post-identity Kawaii: Commerce, Gender and Contemporary Japanese Art’, in Fran Lloyd, ed., Consuming Bodies: Sex and Contemporary Japanese Art (London: Reaktion Books, 1991), p. 127.

19日本在世界经济论坛的全球性别差距报告中排名长期较低。

19 Japan has a perennially low ranking in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report.

20 Gergana E. Ivanova,《枕草子》的多重生命》,为日本基金会发表的演讲(多伦多:2020 年 1 月 17 日)。

20 Gergana E. Ivanova, ‘The many lives of The Pillow Book’, lecture delivered for The Japan Foundation (Toronto: 17 January 2020).

21 Keene,《日本文化欣赏》,第 34 页。

21 Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture, p. 34.

22同上,第 12 页。

22 Ibid., p. 12.

23同上,第 28 页。

23 Ibid., p. 28.

24 Michal Daliot-Bul,《游戏许可:日本文化中的游戏》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2014 年),第 24 页。

24 Michal Daliot-Bul, License to Play: The Ludic in Japanese Culture (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2014), p. 24.

25 O-Young Lee,《越小越好:日本对微型画的掌握》,Robert N. Huey 译(纽约:讲谈社国际出版社,1984 年),第 24、32 页。

25 O-Young Lee, Smaller is Better: Japan’s Mastery of the Miniature, trans. by Robert N. Huey (New York: Kodansha International, 1984), pp. 24, 32.

26同上,第34页。折扇可能是第一个主导世界市场的日本产品,因为它们从12世纪开始出口到中国,随后中国又将其出口到欧洲。同上,第38-39页。

26 Ibid., p. 34. Folding fans may have been the first Japanese product to dominate the world market, since they were exported to China, starting in the twelfth century, and China subsequently exported them to Europe. Ibid., pp. 38–9.

27同上,第 36 页。

27 Ibid., p. 36.

28唐纳德·里奇, 《日本美学论》(加州伯克利:石桥出版社,2007 年),第 18 页。

28 Donald Richie, A Tractate on Japanese Aesthetics (Berkeley, CA: Stone Bridge Press, 2007), p. 18.

29 Keene,《日本文化欣赏》,第23页。西方对易逝性审美的呈现往往令人不快。例如,在荷兰的虚空派静物画中,一件物品都预示着它的毁灭:昂贵的水果注定腐烂,花朵凋零,等等。

29 Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture, p. 23. Western manifestations of the aesthetic of perishability tended to be unpleasant. For example, in the Dutch still-life genre of vanitas each item depicted spelled its doom: expensive fruit destined to rot, wilting flowers, etc.

30 Keene,《心中的种子》,第 421 页。

30 Keene, Seeds in the Heart, p. 421.

31少纳言,《枕草子》,麦金尼译,第xvii页。“okashi”一词最初源于一个动词,意为“欢迎、邀请、引诱”,这让人想起李敖英(O-Young Lee)关于210日本为何重视小事的著作。茨维塔娜·克里斯蒂娃(Tzvetana Kristeva),《枕草子:作为一本“打开的书”的《枕草子》,载《日文研日本评论:日本国际研究中心纪事》5(1994年),第21页。

31 Shōnagon, The Pillow Book, trans. McKinney, p. xvii. Originally okashi derived from a verb that meant ‘to welcome somebody, to invite, to lure somebody’, which recalls O-Young Lee’s book about why small 210things are valued in Japan. Tzvetana Kristeva, ‘The Pillow Hook: The Pillow Book as an “open book”’, Nichibunken Japan Review: Bulletin of the International Research Center for Japanese Studies 5 (1994), p. 21.

32 GY Nenkov 和 ML Scott,“可爱到我忍不住要吃掉它”:可爱产品对纵情消费的启动效应,《消费者研究杂志》 41,2,第 326-41 页,doi.org10.1086/676581。

32 G. Y. Nenkov and M. L. Scott, ‘“So cute I could eat it up”: Priming effects of cute products on indulgent consumption’, Journal of Consumer Research 41, 2, pp. 326–41, doi.org10.1086/676581.

33 Johan Huizinga,《游戏人:文化中的游戏元素研究》(伦敦:Routledge & Kegan Paul,1949 年),第 179 页。

33 Johan Huizinga, Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play-Element in Culture (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1949), p. 179.

34 Hunter Oatman-Stanford,《顽皮的修女、放屁的僧侣以及中世纪神圣手稿中的其他惊喜》, 《收藏家周刊》 (2014 年 7 月 24 日),www.collectorsweekly.com/ articles/naughty-nuns-flatulent-monks-and-other-surprises-of-sacred-medieval-manuscripts /。

34 Hunter Oatman-Stanford, ‘Naughty Nuns, Flatulent Monks, and Other Surprises of Sacred Medieval Manuscripts’, Collector’s Weekly (24 July 2014), www.collectorsweekly.com/articles/naughty-nuns-flatulent-monks-and-other-surprises-of-sacred-medieval-manuscripts/.

35 Daliot-Bul,《License to Play》,第 23 页。

35 Daliot-Bul, License to Play, p. 23.

36 Keene,《日本文化欣赏》,第 12 页。

36 Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture, p. 12.

37 Debra J. Occhi,《摇摆不定的美学、表演和信息——日本伽罗与其拟人化祖先的比较》,《亚洲民族学》 71,1(2012 年),第 114 页。

37 Debra J. Occhi, ‘Wobbly Aesthetics, Performance, and Message Comparing Japanese Kyara with their Anthropomorphic Forebears’, Asian Ethnology 71, 1 (2012), p. 114.

38 Nam-lin Hur,《德川幕府晚期的祈祷与游戏:浅草寺与江户社会》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2000年),第83页日本最古老的传说编年史——八世纪初的《古事记》记载,太阳女神天照大神躲在山洞里不肯出来,天照大神便与几位人类巫师在洞外表演了一场淫秽的脱衣舞。听到其他神灵的喧闹笑声,太阳女神便从洞穴中出来,满足自己的好奇心,将阳光带回人间。同上,第82-83页。

38 Nam-lin Hur, Prayer and Play in Late Tokugawa Japan: Asakusa Sensoji and Edo Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), p. 83. The early-eighth-century Kojiki, the oldest chronicle of legends in Japan, relates that when the sun goddess Amaterasu hid in a cave and refused to come out, the goddess Amenozume teamed up with a few human shamans to perform a bawdy striptease dance just outside. Hearing raucous laughter from the other gods, the sun goddess emerged from her cave to satisfy her curiosity, bringing sunlight back to the world. Ibid., pp. 82–3.

39同上,第 83 页。

39 Ibid., p. 83.

40 Occhi,《摇摆不定的美学、表演和信息——日本伽罗与其拟人化祖先的比较》,第 114 页。

40 Occhi, ‘Wobbly Aesthetics, Performance, and Message Comparing Japanese Kyara with their Anthropomorphic Forebears’, p. 114.

41通过游戏与神灵交流并非万物有灵论神道教的专属。日本佛教也将娱乐与宗教相协调:有时甚至将游戏视为救赎之路之一。《德川幕府末期日本的祈祷与游戏:浅草寺与江户社会》,第83-84页。

41 Communing with the gods through play was not limited to the animist Shinto religion. Japanese Buddhism also places amusement and entertainment in harmony with religion: at times even considering play as one path to salvation. Hur, Prayer and Play in Late Tokugawa Japan: Asakusa Sensoji and Edo Society, pp. 83–4.

42 Mimi Yiengpruksawan,《猴子魔法:‘动物’卷轴如何引起艺术史学家的不满》,《Orientations 》 31,3(2000 年 3 月),第 82 页。211

42 Mimi Yiengpruksawan, ‘Monkey Magic: How the “Animals” Scroll Makes Mischief with Art Historians’, Orientations 31, 3 (March 2000), p. 82. 211

43 Nobuyoshi Hamada,《漫画:日本漫画的史前史》(东京:PIE International,2013 年),第 84 页。

43 Nobuyoshi Hamada, Manga: The Prehistory of Japanese Comics (Tokyo: PIE International, 2013), p. 84.

44 Yiengpruksawan,《猴子魔法》,第 81 页。

44 Yiengpruksawan, ‘Monkey Magic’, p. 81.

45正如艺术史学家米米·杨普鲁克萨万(Mimi Yiengpruksawan)所写:“每一个小插图都展现出一个眼神和目光的网络,实际上将场景中的元素结合在一起,供观者欣赏。”同上,第 78 页。

45 As the art historian Mimi Yiengpruksawan writes: ‘Each vignette shows a network of glances and looks that in effect binds together the elements of the scene for the beholder.’ Ibid., p. 78.

46 Keene,《日本文化欣赏》,第 20 页。

46 Keene, Appreciations of Japanese Culture, p. 20.

47 Lee,《越小越好》,第 46 页。

47 Lee, Smaller is Better, p. 46.

48同上,第 42 页。

48 Ibid., p. 42.

49 GB Sansom,《日本:简明文化史》(东京:Tuttle Publishing,1931 年),第 253 页。

49 G. B. Sansom, Japan: A Short Cultural History (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 1931), p. 253.

50 Yiengpruksawan,《猴子魔法》,第 82-3 页。

50 Yiengpruksawan, ‘Monkey Magic’, pp. 82–3.

51同上,第83页。许多画卷取材于《源氏物语》等文学作品。已知最早的《枕草子》画卷可追溯至14世纪。

51 Ibid., p. 83. Many picture scrolls were based on literary works such as The Tale of Genji. The earliest known picture scroll of The Pillow Book dates to the fourteenth century.

52 Nittono,《“Kawaii”的双层模型》,第 82 页。

52 Nittono, ‘The Two-Layer Model of “Kawaii’”, p. 82.

三十五

2

2

野生与驯服的边界

The Border between Wild and Tame

狐狸说:你要对你驯服的东西永远负责。”—— 《小王子》,安东尼·德·圣埃克苏佩里

You become forever responsible for what you have tamed,’ said the fox.

The Little Prince by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry

《枕草子》《动物嬉闹图》赋予动物人类的特征,使它们显得可爱。正如我们所见,有人认为,“可爱”的概念是作为一种生物触发因素而进化而来的,目的是确保儿童得到关爱和关注;如果真是这样,拟人化或许也能让我们对其他生物感受到这种温暖。然而,这并非动物变得可爱的唯一方式。例如,猫和狗可能随着时间的推移变得越来越可爱,因为我们——无论有意还是无意——会选择三十六每一窝中最可爱的动物来繁衍下一代。无论如何,可爱似乎是我们为了满足自身需求而强加于动物身上的。

The Pillow Book and the Scroll of Frolicking Animals make animals seem cute by giving them human traits. As we have seen, it has been argued that the idea of cuteness evolved as a biological trigger to help ensure that children receive care and attention; if this was the case, anthropomorphising might be a way to make us feel this warmth for other creatures as well. However, this is not the only way in which animals become cute. Cats and dogs, for instance, probably became cuter over time as we chose – whether consciously or unconsciously – the most adorable of 36each litter to breed the next generation. Either way, cuteness seems to be something we have imposed on animals for our own satisfaction.

至少当我开始研究这个话题时,我是这样想的。但随着深入研究,我意识到动物的可爱其实有很多层次。有一种动物尤其让我有了新的认识:狐狸。自古以来,人类与狐狸之间一直有着特殊的联系;研究我们与狐狸的关系,让我彻底重新审视了自己对动物可爱的假设。

At least this was what I thought when I started researching this topic. But as I dug deeper, I realised there are many layers to animal cuteness. One animal in particular led me towards this new understanding: the fox. There’s been a special link between people and foxes throughout the ages; studying our relationship with them caused me to completely reassess my assumptions about animal cuteness.

抵达日本后不久,我在京都的一家古董店里发现了一块旧和服布料。图案是一群狐狸头的婚礼队伍。人狐混合身形并不罕见,因为狐狸在日本文化中与变身有关。人们认为狐狸会附身于人,使人做出各种恶作剧,比如捉弄傲慢的武士和贪婪的商人。1狐狸也有积极的一面。许多神道教神社都供奉稻荷神,即掌管稻米、清酒、茶和狐狸的神。稻荷神社的神社里供奉着狐狸雕像,许多雕像的脖子上都系着可爱的小红围兜,供奉者以此表示敬意。

Soon after arriving in Japan I came across a scrap of old kimono fabric at an antiques store in Kyoto. The design features a wedding procession of people with the heads of foxes. The blend of human and fox bodies is not unusual, because foxes are associated with transformation in Japanese culture. They are thought to possess people who proceed to get into all kinds of mischief, such as playing tricks on haughty samurai and greedy merchants.1 But there is also a positive side to the fox. Many Shinto shrines are dedicated to Inari, the god of rice, sake, tea – and foxes. Inari shrines feature statues of foxes on their grounds, many with cute little red bibs tied to their necks by worshippers as a sign of respect.

在西方文化中,狐狸也与狡猾、狡猾的行为联系在一起。例如,在伊索公元前一世纪寓言《狐狸和乌鸦》中,一只狐狸骗乌鸦从一块奶酪里抢走了它。这个故事让我想起,英文单词“cute”(“acute”的缩写)仍然包含狡猾的含义。

Foxes in Western culture are likewise associated with sly, cunning behaviour. In Aesop’s first-century bce fable ‘The Fox and the Crow’, for example, a fox tricks the bird out of a piece of cheese. This story reminds me that the English word ‘cute’ – a shortened form of ‘acute’ – still contains the meaning of cunning.

狐狸与人类的关系源远流长。已知最古老的墓葬中,一只狗与主人同葬于12000年前,位于现今以色列北部,一位纳图夫人与一只小狗同葬。然而,在这处遗址附近,一座几千年前的墓地里,却埋葬着最早的狐人三十七合葬墓。2狐狸对这些古代民族的意义或许永远无人知晓,但它们对人类的行为——好奇又带着羞怯——可能与狗在被驯化之前的行为相似。

The relationship between foxes and people stretches way back in time. The oldest known burial in which a dog lies together in the grave with its owner was 12,000 years ago in present-day northern Israel, where a Natufian woman was buried with a puppy. Yet near this site, in a graveyard from several thousand years earlier, lies the earliest fox–human 37burial.2 The significance of foxes to these ancient peoples may never be known, but their behaviour towards humans – curiosity mixed with shyness – may have been similar to the behaviour of dogs before they were domesticated.

图 2.1:描绘狐狸婚礼的古董和服。

Fig. 2.1: Antique kimono showing a fox wedding.

有时,人类与狐狸之间的联系可能超越了象征意义。在现今土耳其的新石器时代早期哥贝克力石阵遗址,狐狸雕刻是柱子上常见的图案。3其中尊柱子上雕刻着一只狐狸,蜷缩在一位男士的臂弯里。它可能从出生起就被人工饲养,习惯了与人类相处,也可能曾经有人尝试驯养这些动物,但最终失败了。4

At times the connection between humans and foxes may have gone beyond the symbolic. At the early Neolithic Göbekli Tepe site in present-day Turkey, carvings of foxes are a common motif on pillars.3 One of them shows a fox in the crook of a man’s arm. It might have been hand-raised from birth and was used to being around people, or there may have been an attempt to domesticate these animals, which ultimately failed.4

即使在今天,狐狸也经常潜伏在人类居住地的边缘,只有当它们靠近时才会迅速躲开。这种好奇与羞怯的结合或许是三十八世界各地关于狐狸的众多民间故事的灵感来源。“它们在做什么?”人们或许会好奇。“它们懂什么?”但还有另一个因素在起作用:狐狸面部“表情”那看似可爱的表情,让人觉得它们仿佛在微笑。狐狸的面孔吸引着我们,但它的行为却未必。狐狸所引发的矛盾心理,或许是人们将它们视为潜在朋友而非野生动物的原因。为了进一步探索人类与这些生物之间的联系,我决定前往藏王狐狸村,这是位于日本北部山腰的一个旅游景点,被称为“地球上最可爱的地方”。

Even today, foxes often lurk around the edges of human settlements, only to dart away when approached. This combination of curiosity and shyness may have inspired the many 38folktales about foxes around the world. ‘What are they doing?’ people may have wondered. ‘What do they know?’ But there is another factor at work: the apparent cuteness of the fox’s facial ‘expression’, which makes it seem as if they are smiling. The fox’s face appeals to us, while its behaviour may not. The ambivalence that foxes engender may have caused people to see them as a potential friend rather than a wild animal. To further explore the human bond with these creatures, I decided to visit Zaō Fox Village, a tourist attraction on the side of a mountain in northern Japan that has been dubbed ‘the cutest place on Earth’.

狐狸村

The Fox Village

怀抱小狐狸本应是我藏王狐狸村之旅的亮点,但我却大失所望。我以为这只小狐狸会像小猫一样和我玩耍,甚至会盯着我的眼睛,舔我的手,像小狗一样兴奋地扭动身体。结果它只是坐在那里,等着被放下,好跑回兄弟姐妹身边。虽然它的行为令人失望,但它的外表却一点也不令人失望。那么小巧,毛茸茸的!耳朵那么大!坐在我周围的其他人显然和我一样兴奋。我们围坐在椅子上,每个人都穿着亮绿色的塑料斗篷,以防动物的野味沾到衣服上。“卡哇伊! ”和“可爱!”的叫喊声,以及不绝于耳的咕咕声,表明大家被它的可爱所征服,我不禁笑了。

Holding a baby fox in my arms should have been the highlight of my visit to Zaō Fox Village, but I was disappointed. I expected the cub to play with me as a kitten would, or even gaze into my eyes, lick my hand and wriggle in excitement like a puppy. Instead it just sat there and waited to be put down, so that it could run back to its siblings. But even though its behaviour was a letdown, its appearance was anything but. So small and fluffy! Such big ears! The other people sitting around me were clearly as excited as I was. We were gathered in a circle of chairs and all wore bright-green plastic ponchos, to keep the animals’ gamey smell off our clothes. Cries of ‘Kawaii!’ and ‘Cute!’, along with an abundance of cooing, indicated that the group was overwhelmed by cuteness, and I couldn’t help smiling.

然而,狐狸却没有分享这种快乐的集体体验。当中心的工作人员用我的手机拍照时,这只小狐狸闻了闻我的斗篷,然后凝视着远方。很明显,我受到了包容,而不是爱护——考虑到村里的狐狸是野生动物,而不是宠物,这或许并不奇怪。三十九

However, this happy communal experience was not shared by the fox itself. As the staff from the centre took photos with my mobile phone, the fox cub sniffed my poncho before staring into the distance. It was clear that I was being tolerated rather than loved – perhaps not surprising, considering that the foxes at the village are wild animals rather than pets. 39

藏王狐狸村于1990年开放,最初从日本最北端的北海道引进了一批狐狸。如今,这里拥有一百多只狐狸,它们在一个占地近2000平方码的露天保护区里自由漫步。在幼崽的围栏外,成年狐狸四处游荡,奔跑、挖洞、睡觉,发出令人咋舌的噪音。但藏王狐狸村与其说是一个动物保护区,不如说更像是一个旅游景点。

Zaō Fox Village opened in 1990 with a population of foxes brought from Hokkaido in the far north of Japan; it now has more than a hundred foxes that roam freely in an open-air reserve covering nearly 2,000 square yards. Outside the fenced enclosure that contains the cubs, the adults roam about, running, digging, sleeping and making a surprising amount of noise. But Zaō Fox Village is more tourist attraction than animal sanctuary.

村庄全年无休,狐狸们已经习惯了人类的存在——但这并不意味着它们温顺。我去中心是为了探究人类与那些习惯了人类但仍然野生的动物之间的关系。虽然有些人认为狐狸是害虫,但也有人觉得它们很可爱;它们的尾巴毛茸茸的,很吸引人,厚厚的皮毛让它们的脸显得更宽(似乎遮住了胖乎乎的脸颊),而且它们经常面带微笑。但我好奇这种看法会如何影响我与它们的关系。我可以在狐狸之间行走而不会打扰它们,但我感觉自己离它们有多近呢?

The village is open every day of the year, so the foxes are used to the presence of human beings – but this does not mean they are tame. I went to the centre to investigate the connection between humans and animals that are habituated to people, but still wild. Although some people think of foxes as pests, others see them as cute; their tails are appealingly bushy, thick fur makes their faces appear wider (seeming to hide chubby cheeks) and they often seem to be smiling. But I wondered how this perception would affect my relationship with them. I could walk among the foxes without disturbing them, but how close to them would I feel?

我们关押狐狸幼崽的木甲板的一端,有一扇高高的铁丝网大门,上面挂满了警示牌:这是狐狸保护区的入口。大多数警示牌上都画着可爱的男孩女孩,她们长着狐狸头,与狐狸做出着被禁止的行为。这些警示牌以这种方式暗示,进入围栏会让不知何故成为一只狐狸——成为它们世界的一部分,却又不适应它们的礼仪和习俗。

At one end of the wooden deck where we were holding the fox cubs was a high gate of chicken wire festooned with warning signs: the entrance to the fox sanctuary. Most of the signs are illustrated with cute figures of boys and girls with fox heads engaging in prohibited behaviour with the animals. In this way the signs suggest that entering the enclosure will somehow make you a fox – part of their world, yet unaccustomed to their manners and mores.

大门通向一片开阔的山坡,狐狸们在这里自由漫步。它们很多都在睡觉——毕竟它们是夜行动物——但也有一些在奔跑、挖洞,互相追逐时发出刺耳的尖叫声。

The gate opens onto a spacious hillside where the foxes are free to roam wherever they please. Many of them are sleeping – they are nocturnal, after all – but others run, dig and screech loudly as they interact with one another.

狐狸基本上不会理会遵守规则的人类游客。由于它们可能会咬人,所以最重要的规则之一就是不要向它们伸出手。我不得不不断克制住40伸出手的冲动;刚刚在一群热爱狐狸的游客中抱住了一只可爱的小狐狸幼崽,我本能地想和这些小动物交朋友。我把双手插进口袋,手指碰到了买的塑料袋装饲料颗粒。“不要挤压饲料袋”是另一条规则;狐狸很聪明,知道沙沙声代表什么,会跳起来咬食物。遵守这条规则也很难。周围都是可爱的小动物,我发现自己很想捏捏什么东西

The foxes basically ignore human visitors who obey the rules. Since they may bite, one of the most important rules is not to hold out your hand to them. I had to constantly fight 40the impulse to do so; having just cuddled a cute little fox cub in a group of fox-loving fellow visitors, I instinctively wanted to make friends with these creatures. I stuck both hands in my pockets, where my fingers encountered the plastic packets of food pellets I’d bought. ‘Don’t squeeze the food packs’ is another rule; the foxes are smart enough to know what the crinkling sound signifies and will leap up to bite the food. It was hard to obey this regulation as well. Surrounded by so much cuteness, I found myself wanting to squeeze something.

在村子里漫步时,我注意到狐狸总是互相撕咬。在用栅栏围起来的喂食台上,我可以随心所欲地揉搓食物包,然后把里面的食物扔出去,看着这些动物为了食物争吵不休,发出尖叫声。我越来越明白,狐狸虽然看起来很可爱,但它们的行为可不是那样的。

Wandering through the village, I noticed that foxes bite and snap at each other all the time. At the fenced-off feeding platform I could crinkle the packets of food to my heart’s content, before throwing the contents and watching the animals squeal as they fought over the bounty. It was becoming even clearer to me that the foxes may look cute, but they don’t act that way.

来到中心的人类游客们往往会像对待宠物一样接近狐狸。我看到的每个人都面带微笑,缓缓走来,渴望尽可能多地与这些动物接触。我一直希望狐狸能像狗或猫一样接近我,但这并没有发生。就像我腿上的狐狸幼崽一样,成年狐狸对我们置之不理。

Human visitors to the centre tend to approach the foxes as if they’re pets. Everyone I saw was walking slowly with smiling, open faces, keen for as much contact with the animals as possible. I kept hoping a fox would approach me as a dog or cat might, but this didn’t happen. Like the fox cub on my lap, the adult foxes ignored us.

许多来藏王狐狸村拍摄的YouTube用户都对狐狸的冷漠感到不满,但他们找到了一个让视频更有趣的解决方案:他们打破了大门上的所有规则。毕竟,如果狐狸以为有人会喂食,它们就会靠近人,它们会抓住机会偷东西跑掉,或者偷偷靠近咬不知情的游客。YouTube上充斥着人们违反规则引诱狐狸靠近的视频,这样他们就能得出结论,藏王狐狸村的狐狸不仅长得可爱,行为也可爱。“它们就像猫和狗的杂交品种”是YouTube用户常说的一句话,但我并不认同。5

The many YouTubers who come to film Zaō Fox Village are frustrated by the foxes’ indifference, but they have found a solution that makes for more interesting videos: they break all the rules posted on the gate. After all, the foxes will approach people if they think they will be fed, sensing the opportunity to run off with something or can approach unseen and bite an unwitting visitor. YouTube is full of videos of people breaking the rules to make the foxes approach, so that they can conclude that the foxes of Zaō Fox Village act as well as look cute. ‘They’re like a cross between a dog and a cat,’ is a common You-Tuber refrain, but I don’t agree.5

据狐狸村的管理员介绍,狐狸非常胆小,也非常好奇。41当没有幼崽时,几只最温顺的成年狐狸会被关在围栏里,坐在游客的腿上,这些人工饲养的动物已经完全习惯了人类的存在。然而,管理员佐藤文子解释说,虽然狐狸喜欢偷游客的财物,但即使是最温顺的狐狸,只要脚趾轻轻一动,也会立刻躲开。这使得工作人员在需要治疗时很难捕捉到受伤的狐狸。6

According to the caretakers at the Fox Village, the foxes are extremely fearful as well as very curious. A few of the calmest 41adults are kept inside the enclosure to sit on visitors’ laps when no cubs are available, and these hand-raised creatures are fully habituated to human presence. However, the caretaker, Fumiko Satō, explained that although the foxes love to steal visitors’ possessions, the slightest twitch of a toe will make even the calmest of them shy away immediately. This makes it extremely difficult for the staff to capture an injured fox when it requires treatment.6

狐狸的冷漠揭示了野生动物和家养动物之间的一个关键区别。狗和猫会主动寻找人类,但狐狸从根本上来说并不关心人类。如果人类手里没有食物,那它或许就是食物。同样,悬挂的手机挂绳也可能是零食,而不是邀请新朋友玩耍。

The foxes’ indifference reveals a crucial difference between wild and domesticated animals. Dogs and cats seek out humans, but foxes fundamentally don’t care about people. If a human hand doesn’t contain food, then perhaps it is food. Likewise, a dangling phone strap is a possible snack, not an invitation to play with a new friend.

离开狐狸村,人们会经过一家礼品店,那里出售狐狸钟、风铃、饼干、玩具和贴纸。所有这些纪念品都展现了狐狸们最真实的面貌——挥手致意、摆出一副轻松活泼的姿势、露出一副真心实意的笑容——换句话说,它们以各种真正的狐狸所不具备的方式与我们互动。

In order to leave the Fox Village, one passes through the gift shop that sells fox clocks, wind chimes, biscuits, toys and stickers. All of these souvenirs render the foxes as we would prefer to see them – waving hello, posing jauntily and smiling as if they really mean it – in other words, engaging with us in all the ways that the real foxes do not.

驯化综合症

The domestication syndrome

虽然藏王狐狸村的狐狸几十年来一直与人类生活在一起,但它们仍然是野生动物。它们不同于家养动物,家养动物不仅对人类好奇,而且对人类很友好。在藏王狐狸村,游客们试图说服自己狐狸很可爱,而这些动物本身并没有做出任何有意义的反应。但像狗和猫这样的家养动物实际上想要和我们在一起,除了友善的行为外,它们的外貌也发生了改变。家养动物比野生动物更可爱,因为它们即使成年后,仍然保留着幼年时婴儿般的特征,而这些特征正是我们喜欢的。为什么会这样呢?四十二可爱会引发我们如此深刻的情感反应,以至于我们让伴侣动物顺从我们的欲望吗?

Although the foxes of Zaō Fox Village have been living close to humans for decades, they are still wild. They are different from domesticated animals, which are not merely curious about, but friendly towards, humans. At Zaō Fox Village visitors try to convince themselves that the foxes are cute, without any meaningful input from the animals themselves. But domesticated animals like dogs and cats actually want to be around us, and along with their friendly behaviour, they have an altered appearance. Domesticated animals are cuter than their wild counterparts because, even as adults, they retain the juvenile, baby-like features that we find appealing. Why did this happen? 42Does cuteness trigger such deep emotional responses in us that we caused our companion animals to conform to our desire?

这引出了另一个问题:为什么有些动物变得温顺,而有些却依然保持野性?长期以来,答案似乎显而易见。人们认为,早期人类只会容忍那些拥有有益特质的动物的存在。例如,如果几只狼悄悄靠近人类,从他们的垃圾堆里取食,它们就能在更大的捕食者出现时发出警告。攻击性较强的狼会被赶走,而较为温顺的则会被留下。达尔文将这一过程称为“无意识选择”。如果有足够的时间,这种筛选过程将产生一个足够温顺的狼种群,从而开始人工选择——也就是选择特定的动物进行繁殖。最终,我们进化出了狗。

This begs another question: how have some animals become tame while others remain wild? For a long time the answer seemed obvious. It was thought that early humans would only tolerate the presence of animals that had useful traits. For example, if a few wolves crept close enough to humans to eat from their rubbish heaps, they could provide a warning if larger predators showed up. Aggressive specimens would have been chased away, while calmer individuals were allowed to remain. Darwin called this process ‘unconscious selection’. Given enough time, such winnowing would produce a population of wolves that were calm enough to begin artificial selection – that is, choosing particular animals to breed together. Eventually we ended up with dogs.

然而,达尔文无法解释这一过程的一个方面:驯化似乎会以相同的方式改变不同物种动物的行为和外貌。这些变化统称为“驯化综合症”。

However, there is one aspect to this process that Darwin was unable to explain: becoming tame seems to change both the behaviour and the appearance of different species of animals in the same way. Collectively these changes are known as ‘the domestication syndrome’.

从狗和羊到猪和兔子,所有类型的动物在被驯化的过程中都会经历类似的过程。它们的皮毛会变色;牙齿会萎缩;口鼻部会变短;头会变得越来越小,越来越宽;耳朵会变得更小更松软;尾巴也会变得卷曲。它们的生育能力和繁殖周期也会发生变化;由于脑垂体产生的应激激素减弱,它们会变得温顺;它们的大脑会萎缩,幼年行为会持续到生命的晚期。达尔文对这一系列看似复杂的变化感到困惑,这些变化似乎存在于许多不同的物种中,包括鸟类和一些鱼类,他之后的许多科学家也对此感到困惑。事实上,驯化综合症的神秘起源被广泛认为是遗传学中最古老的问题之一。7 43

All types of animals, from dogs and sheep to pigs and rabbits, exhibit a similar process as they become domesticated. Their fur changes colour; their teeth shrink; their muzzles get shorter; their heads grow smaller and wider; their ears become smaller and floppier; and their tails become curly. Their fertility and breeding cycles change; they become docile, due to the attenuation of stress hormones produced by the pituitary gland; their brains shrink, and juvenile behaviour persists much later in life. Darwin puzzled over this diverse suite of changes that somehow held true across so many different species, including birds and some fish, as did many scientists who followed him. In fact the mysterious origin of the domestication syndrome is widely considered to be one of the oldest problems in genetics.7 43

由于缺乏其他解释,科学家们认为这些特征是个体选择的,因为它们很有用。然而,令人惊讶的是,与驯化综合症相关的许多特征仅仅是因为可爱。狗的耷拉着的耳朵可能很可爱,但如果它们像狼祖先一样有尖尖的耳朵,它们肯定会更擅长狩猎。同样,卷曲的尾巴、较短的口鼻、较小的牙齿、较宽的头部以及玩耍的欲望并不是特别有用——但它们很可爱。

Lacking another explanation, scientists believed these traits were selected individually because they were useful. However, it’s striking how many traits associated with the domestication syndrome are simply cute. Floppy ears on dogs may be adorable, but they would surely be better at hunting if they had pointed ears, like their wolf ancestors. Likewise curly tails, shorter muzzles, smaller teeth, wider heads and the desire to play aren’t particularly useful – but they are cute.

起初我以为这又一次证明了“可爱”的魅力——所有这些特质似乎都是通过人工选择在不同物种身上形成的,因为它们可爱才被选中。后来我发现了一个令人震惊的实验,它提供了一个截然不同的解释。在远离藏王狐狸村的西伯利亚荒野,科学家们培育了一个独特的狐狸种群,这或许朝着解开驯化综合症之谜迈出了重要的一步。

At first I thought this was yet more evidence for the seductive power of cuteness – it seemed that all of these qualities must have arrived in different species through artificial selection, chosen because they were adorable. Then I discovered an astonishing experiment that offers a very different explanation. Far from the Zaō Fox Village, in the Siberian wilderness, scientists breeding a unique population of foxes may have taken a significant step towards solving the mystery of the domestication syndrome.

西伯利亚银狐实验

The Siberian silver fox experiment

在世界各地的民间传说中,狐狸与人类亲近,却又疏远。它们似乎能够友好相处,却从未迈出第一步。这种看似尚未开发的潜力促成了一项独特的实验,让我们更接近揭开伴侣动物如何成为人类朋友的谜团。故事始于1952年,当时负责西伯利亚毛皮动物中央研究实验室的科学家德米特里·别利亚耶夫构思了一项激进且具有政治危险性的基因实验。8

In folklore around the world, foxes are close to humans, yet also distant. They seem capable of being friendly, but never take that first step. This seemingly untapped potential prompted a unique experiment that brings us significantly closer to unravelling the mystery of how companion animals became our friends. The story begins in 1952 when Dmitri Belyaev, a scientist who ran the Central Research Laboratory on Fur-Breeding Animals in Siberia, conceived of a radical and politically dangerous genetic experiment.8

别利亚耶夫是斯大林统治下的苏联的一名非法科学家:在当时,整个遗传学领域都被视为伪科学。从事该领域研究的人被剥夺职位、流放甚至监禁,但别利亚耶夫决心为科学做出比光鲜亮丽的狐皮大衣更丰厚的贡献。四十四

Belyaev was an outlaw scientist in Stalin’s USSR: a geneticist at a time when the entire field was considered fake science. Its practitioners were stripped of their positions, exiled and even imprisoned, yet Belyaev was determined to contribute more to science than lustrous fox-fur coats. 44

养过狗或猫的人都知道,它们具有独特的性格特征;在经营狐狸养殖场时,别利亚耶夫注意到,狐狸在幼崽时期表现出的行为——从好奇到恐惧、攻击性甚至温顺——会一直延续到成年。9深刻地认识到,这些特征之一,即对人类的友好,对于驯化来说一定比其他特征更为重要。10利亚耶夫沉思道,如果他开始刻意挑选对人类恐惧较少的狐狸,然后将它们放在一起繁殖,最终的结果可能是狐狸表现出与生俱来的冷静遗传特征。

Anyone who has raised a dog or cat knows they have distinct personality traits; in running the fox farms, Belyaev noticed that the behaviours that foxes demonstrated as cubs – from curiosity to fear, aggression or even docility – continued into adulthood.9 His great insight was that one of these traits, friendliness towards humans, must have been far more important to domestication than the others.10 If he started deliberately selecting foxes that showed less fear of humans and then breeding them together, Belyaev mused, the eventual result might be foxes that demonstrated calmness as an inherited trait from birth.

别利亚耶夫的假设是,根据狐狸是否愿意被接近(我们或许可以称之为“驯服性”)来饲养它们,最终会通过改变控制激素和神经递质的生理系统来抑制“战斗或逃跑”反应,而这些激素和神经递质会影响狐狸的行为。换句话说,如果别利亚耶夫的假设正确,他的狐狸最终可能会在基因上变得温顺。11如果不同物种对相同的选择压力做出相似的反应,那么这项实验或许可以在某种程度上解释驯化综合症。12

Belyaev’s hypothesis was that breeding foxes based on their willingness to be approached, which we may call ‘tameability’, would eventually dampen down the ‘fight or flight’ response by altering the physiological systems governing hormones and neurotransmitters that influence behaviour. In other words, if Belyaev was correct, his foxes might eventually become genetically tame.11 And if different species responded in similar ways to the same selective pressure, the experiment might go some way towards explaining the domestication syndrome.12

这项实验基于一个未经证实的假设。别利亚耶夫的主要目的是揭示驯化综合症的神秘起源。创造一个新的驯化物种将成为遗传学的里程碑,但这是否会发生仍是一个悬而未决的问题。

The experiment was based on an unproved hypothesis. Belyaev primarily sought to shed light on the mysterious origins of the domestication syndrome. The creation of a new domesticated species would constitute a landmark in genetic science, but whether or not it would happen was an open question.

他很清楚自己的实验至少要耗费数十年时间。此外,斯大林时代的苏联禁止遗传学研究,这使得别利亚耶夫不得不就其项目意图撒谎。官方文件将其列为提高银狐毛皮产量的尝试。13如果真相被揭露,他的实验就会立即终止。

He was well aware that his experiment would take decades, at the very least. Plus, research in genetics was banned in Stalin’s Russia, which required Belyaev to lie about the intent of his project. The official paperwork listed it as an attempt to improve fur production of the silver fox.13 Had the truth been revealed, his experiment would have ended immediately.

银狐是红狐的一种自然变种,栖息于北美、欧亚大陆和45北亚各地的森林、苔原、农田、草原,甚至城市。14十九世纪末以来,俄罗斯就开始饲养银狐以获取皮毛。15我在藏王狐狸村看到了几只银狐,它们美丽的银色尖端黑色皮毛让我印象深刻。在别利亚耶夫开始实验之前,银狐已经被圈养了好几代,这些狐狸已经习惯了笼养生活。然而,这些狐狸并不善于与人相处——饲养者更注重的是改善它们皮毛的质量和颜色,而不是驯服它们。16

The silver fox is a naturally occurring colour variation of the red fox, which inhabits forests and tundra, farmland and prairie, and even cities all over North America, Eurasia and 45northern Asia.14 Silver foxes have been bred for their fur in Russia since the late nineteenth century.15 I saw a few at the Zaō Fox Village and was struck by their beautiful silver-tipped black fur. Many generations of silver foxes had been raised in captivity by the time Belyaev began his experiment, resulting in foxes that were habituated to living in cages. However, these foxes were not tolerant of people – the breeders were focused on improving the quality and colour of their fur rather than on their tameness.16

精英的到来

The arrival of the elite

1959年,别利亚耶夫迁至西伯利亚新西伯利亚,担任细胞学和遗传学研究所所长,他的实验由此开始。17为了挑选最温顺的狐狸幼崽进行繁殖,他制定了严格的规程。为了防止研究人员无意识地选择温顺的狐狸,他把狐狸关在围栏里,只允许它们与人类进行短暂且可控的接触。18选择标准非常严格,尤其是在初期,只有不到10%的最温顺的幼崽被选中成为父母。19

In 1959 Belyaev moved to Novosibirsk in Siberia to direct the Institute of Cytology and Genetics and his experiment began.17 Strict protocols were put in place to choose the calmest fox cubs for breeding. To prevent researchers from unconsciously choosing a cute fox over a calm one, he kept the foxes in enclosures with only brief and controlled contact with humans.18 The selection criteria were rigorous, especially in the beginning, when fewer than 10 per cent of the tamest pups were chosen to be parents.19

当别利亚耶夫开始实验时,农场里的狐狸对人表现出了一系列行为。大约30%的狐狸极具攻击性,只有10%的狐狸安静且好奇。然而,即使是那些看似温顺的狐狸,也容易咬伤工作人员,因为工作人员每次靠近它们时都会戴着厚厚的防护手套。20事实上,别利亚耶夫将他最初的样本群体称为“近乎野生动物”。21研究生身份加入实验、后来成为该项目首席科学家的柳德米拉·特鲁特将第一代狐狸称为“喷火龙”。22它们比藏王狐狸村的狐狸更具攻击性和恐惧性——被关在狭小的笼子里可不会让它们性情温顺。

When Belyaev began his experiment, the farm foxes demonstrated a range of behaviours towards people. Around 30 per cent were extremely aggressive; only 10 per cent were quiet and curious. However, even the foxes that seemed benign were prone to biting the staff, who wore thick protective gloves whenever they went near them.20 In fact Belyaev referred to his initial sample population as ‘virtually wild animals’.21 Lyudmila Trut, who joined the experiment as a graduate student and later became the lead scientist on the project, called the first generation ‘fire-breathing dragons’.22 They were significantly more aggressive and fearful than the foxes of Zaō Fox Village – being kept in a small cage does not make for a placid temperament.

与许多野生动物一样,狐狸每年繁殖一次。46它们的行为变化原本预计要经过多年才会出现,但令研究人员惊讶的是,攻击性和恐惧性在短短几代内就消失了。为了使选择更加客观,别利亚耶夫根据驯服程度将狐狸幼崽分为三类。第三类,即驯服程度最低的狐狸,很快就变得比农场饲养的狐狸更温顺,饲养员可以亲手喂养它们。23

Like many wild animals, foxes breed once a year. Changes 46in their behaviour were expected only after many years, but to the researchers’ surprise, aggressive and fearful behaviours were eliminated in just a few generations. To make the selection more objective, Belyaev had divided the fox cubs into three categories according to tameness. Those in Class III, the least-tame category, soon became tamer than foxes bred on farms and allowed their keepers to feed them by hand.23

二级狐狸就像藏王狐狸村那只坐在我腿上的温顺成年狐狸。它们能容忍人类的接触,也愿意被抚摸,但对人没有任何情感反应或友善。真正的惊喜出现在1963年,第四代控制繁殖的狐狸幼崽开始在人类靠近时摇尾巴——这种行为在狐狸身上从未见过。24这些见到人很高兴的狐狸被划为一级狐狸,它们的数量在之后的每一代都不断增加

Class II foxes were like the calm adult fox at Zaō Fox Village that sat on my lap. They tolerated human contact and let themselves be petted, but showed no emotional reaction or friendliness towards people. The real surprise came in 1963, with the fourth generation of controlled breeding. A single fox cub began to wag its tail at the approach of humans – a behaviour never before seen in foxes.24 Such foxes, which were happy to see people, were designated Class I and their numbers increased in every subsequent generation.

随着实验的进展,西伯利亚实验不断取得令人难以置信的成果。1965年,第六代幼崽诞生,其中一些幼崽表现出一系列类似狗的行为,包括试图蹭蹭饲养员、舔他们的手、在地上打滚以求抚摸肚子,以及在独处时发出呜咽声。25一代幼崽中只有极少数表现出这些行为,但差异如此显著,以至于别利亚耶夫决定将这些超级友好的狐狸单独列为一个类别。它们成为IE级“精英”类别中的第一只。

As it progressed, the Siberian experiment continued to yield even more incredible results. In 1965 the sixth generation was born, and some of these cubs displayed a range of dog-like behaviours, including trying to nuzzle their caretakers and licking their hands, rolling on their backs hoping for belly rubs, and whining when they were left alone.25 Only a tiny minority of the cubs in this generation demonstrated these behaviours, but the difference was so striking that Belyaev decided these super-friendly foxes deserved a category of their own. They became the first in the Class IE ‘elite’ category.

在下一代中,约有10%的幼崽被评为精英。第八代又出现了另一个关键变化:一些幼崽生来就有卷曲的尾巴,这种特征不仅在狗身上常见,在其他家养动物(例如猪)中也常见。它们还保留了幼崽般的行为——极其顽皮,对一切都充满好奇——这种保留时间是野生幼崽的两倍。科学家们小心翼翼地观察幼崽,而不是试图与它们玩耍,但仅仅几年后,四十七每当饲养员靠近时,幼崽就会摇着尾巴跑向他们。26

In the next generation around 10 per cent were judged elite. In the eighth generation there was another key change: some of the cubs were born with curly tails, a trait seen not only in dogs, but in other domesticated animals such as pigs. They also retained pup-like behaviour – being extremely playful and boldly curious about everything – for twice as long as wild cubs. The scientists were careful to observe the cubs rather than trying to play with them, but just a few years later the cubs 47would run up to them with tails wagging whenever a caretaker approached.26

到1967年,精英狐狸开始容忍——甚至似乎渴望——人类的目光,尽管野生狐狸将直视视为威胁,常常会引发攻击性行为。27大约在这个时候,成年狐狸开始玩最初为幼崽准备的球。28相互凝视和成年狐狸的嬉戏行为有助于建立社会联系和建立联系。我们可能觉得一只动物看起来可爱,但如果它注视着我们的眼睛并想要玩耍,我们就会感到一种亲近感,从而强化我们对它的情感反应。别利亚耶夫的银狐正朝着这个方向发展。

By 1967 the elite foxes were tolerating – and even seemed to desire – the human gaze, even though wild foxes see direct stares as a threat that often triggers aggressive behaviour.27 At around this time adult foxes started playing with the balls that had originally been brought for the cubs.28 Mutual gazing and adult playfulness are behaviours that encourage social affiliation and bonding. We may think an animal looks cute, but if it gazes into our eyes and wants to play, we feel a closeness that intensifies our emotional response to it. Belyaev’s silver foxes were heading in this direction.

1969年,第十代幼崽出生,其中18%被评定为IE级,同时出现了两个更令人惊讶的变化。第一个变化与耳朵有关。所有狐狸幼崽出生时耳朵都是耷拉着的,但出生几周后耳朵就会伸直,这对于依靠聆听猎物细微声音捕猎的物种来说是一项重要的生存特征。但有一只幼崽在成长过程中保留了耷拉着的耳朵,并将这一特征遗传给了下一代。另一个新特征与毛色有关。一只雄性幼崽额头中央长出了一颗白色的星形,此后,这种特征也变得越来越普遍。29

When the tenth generation of cubs was born in 1969, 18 per cent of them were judged Class IE, and two more surprising changes appeared. The first concerned their ears. All fox cubs are born with floppy ears, but they straighten out after the first couple of weeks of life, an important survival trait for a species that hunts by listening for the small noises made by its prey. But one cub retained her floppy ears as she grew up and passed this trait on to the next generation. The other new trait concerned fur colour. One male cub had a white star in the middle of his forehead, and thereafter this trait became increasingly common as well.29

白色斑纹,被称为花斑,是许多家养动物的常见特征,包括狗、牛、马和猫。我自己的猫托比额头上有一块白斑,即使在黑暗中也能从很远的地方轻易辨认出来,这正是大多数野生动物没有这种颜色的原因。松软的耳朵和花斑的皮毛是家养动物的两个特征,但人们一直认为它们是人类有意选择的。白色的皮毛斑纹使伴侣动物和牲畜更容易被饲养者发现,而松软的耳朵则被认为是因为它们看起来很可爱而被选择的。但狐狸实验对四十八这一理论提出了质疑;不知何故,这些变化在没有人类干预的情况下就出现了,这表明仅仅是对驯服的选择也产生了这些其他的影响。

White coloration, called piebald, is common to many domesticated animals, including dogs, cows, horses and cats. My own cat Toby has a white patch on his forehead that makes him easy to spot from far away, even in the dark, which is precisely why most wild animals don’t have such colouring. Floppy ears and piebald coats are two traits of the domestication syndrome, but it was always presumed that humans had intentionally selected them. White patches of fur make companion animals and livestock easier for their caretakers to see, while floppy ears were assumed to have been selected because they look cute. But the fox experiment was throwing doubt on 48this theory; somehow these changes were showing up without human intervention, suggesting that selection for tameness alone was producing these other effects, too.

到20世纪70年代初,别利亚耶夫饲养的狐狸体内的压力激素水平约为野生狐狸的一半。它们的肾上腺更小,血清素水平更高,这使得它们“更快乐”。30尽管工作人员一直小心翼翼地避免训练狐狸,但仍需要确凿的证据证明这些变化发生在基因层面;别利亚耶夫启动了一项平行实验,旨在测试狐狸是否真的遗传了驯化综合症的所有这些特征。31为了验证他的理论,他需要培育一个具有完全相反特征的新种群。

By the early 1970s the level of stress hormones in Belyaev’s foxes was about half that of wild foxes. Their adrenal glands were smaller and their serotonin levels higher, making for ‘happier’ animals.30 Although the staff had always been careful not to train the foxes, definitive proof was needed that the changes were happening at a genetic level; Belyaev initiated a parallel experiment designed to test if the foxes were really inheriting all these traits of the domestication syndrome.31 To test his theory, he needed to breed a new population with exactly the opposite traits.

现在,他不再选择温顺的动物,而是挑选最具攻击性的个体来繁殖新群体。实验中,未经挑选的狐狸作为对照组,对三组动物进行比较,以寻找动物驯化的根源。32随着攻击性群体的繁殖,这些狐狸开始对它们的饲养者构成挑战。与对照组相对平静的反应和温顺组表现出的爱不同,攻击性狐狸非常讨厌人类。我看过它们的视频,看到它们只要有人靠近,就会猛扑过去咬住笼子的栏杆,真是令人震惊。这些攻击性狐狸非但没有深情地注视饲养者的眼睛,反而会跟随人类的动作,看起来就像在跟踪猎物一样。33

Now, instead of choosing tame animals, he selected the most aggressive individuals to breed for the new group. With unselected foxes acting as a control group, the experiment had three groups of animals to compare in the search for the source of animal domestication.32 As the aggressive group bred, these foxes began to pose a challenge to their caregivers. Unlike the relatively muted reaction of the control group and the love shown by the tame group, the aggressive foxes absolutely hated humans. I’ve seen videos of them, and it’s alarming to watch as they lunge and bite the bars of their cage whenever anyone approaches. Far from gazing lovingly into the eyes of their caretakers, the aggressive foxes follow human movements, looking precisely as if they are stalking prey.33

20世纪70年代后期,随着狐狸攻击性谱系的牢固确立,人们进行了交叉抚养​​实验。实验中,研究人员精心将胚胎从攻击性母狐移植到温顺母狐,反之亦然。因此,攻击性母狐同一窝会同时产下攻击性和温顺性的后代。温顺的幼崽刚学会走路,就会在人类靠近时冲到笼子门口,摇着尾巴乞求关注。攻击性母狐会49抓住幼崽的颈背,把它们扔到笼子深处,试图鼓励幼崽表现出她认为合适的对人类态度。而温顺母狐所生的攻击性幼崽则会在人类靠近时咆哮,然后跑去寻找掩护。这证明,温顺性和攻击性在一定程度上都受基因控制。34

Later in the 1970s, with the aggressive fox line firmly established, cross-fostering experiments were performed in which embryos were painstakingly transplanted from aggressive mothers to tame mothers, and vice versa. Thus an aggressive mother would have both aggressive and tame offspring in the same litter. As soon as they could walk, the tame cubs rushed to the door of their cage when a human approached, wagging their tails to beg for attention. The aggressive mother would 49grab them by the scruff of their necks and throw them to the back of the cage, in an effort to encourage the attitude towards humans that she considered proper. The aggressive cubs born to tame mothers, on the other hand, growled at approaching humans before running for cover. This provided evidence that both tameness and aggression were, in part, governed at the genetic level.34

正当越来越多的证据表明基因遗传在实验中发挥作用时,更令人惊奇的结果出现了。到20世纪80年代中期,精英群体开始出现显著的身体变化。这些狐狸的鼻子和上颌变短,头骨变宽。除了卷曲之外,它们的尾巴也变得更短,甚至更加浓密,头部也明显变小。精英群体中,驯化综合征的特征越来越多地显现出来,同时它们也变得像狗一样温顺。35

Just as evidence mounted that genetic inheritance was at work in the experiment, even more amazing results appeared. By the mid-1980s striking physical changes began to manifest in the elite group. These foxes’ snouts and upper jaws shortened and their skulls widened. Along with curling, their tails became shorter and even bushier, and their heads significantly smaller. More and more traits of the domestication syndrome were showing up in the elite group, while they were becoming as tame as dogs.35

21世纪初,实验中70%到80%的狐狸都进入了精英类别。36到2005-2006年,几乎100%的狐狸都按此标准分类。别利亚耶夫实验的成功似乎催生了一个新驯化的物种:这些狐狸热切地接近人类,终生保持温顺,并将这种特质传递给下一代。

By the turn of the twenty-first century 70–80 per cent of the foxes in the experiment were in the elite category.36 By 2005–6 almost 100 per cent of the foxes were classed in this way. The success of Belyaev’s experiment has seemingly resulted in a newly domesticated species: foxes that eagerly approach humans, remain tame throughout their lives and pass that quality on to the next generation.

藏王狐狸村的狐狸虽然能容忍人类,但它们并不会主动吸引我们,这限制了它们在我们眼中的可爱程度。另一方面,西伯利亚狐狸则表现出基因和行为上的变化,使它们更加友善,外形也变得更可爱了。然而,它们的驯化之旅尚未结束。到目前为止,狐狸的驯化过程仅限于驯服,其他所有变化都是副产品。如果特意培育它们的其他特性,它们作为家养物种的进化速度可能会更快。然而,即使没有这种选择性育种,它们仍然相当温顺。自2010年以来,别利亚耶夫的研究所一直在50出售精英狐狸作为宠物;一些幸运的主人正与驯服的狐狸愉快地过着家庭生活。

While the foxes at Zaō Fox Village tolerate humans, they don’t actively appeal to us, which limits their cuteness in our eyes. The Siberian foxes, on the other hand, showed both genetic and behavioural changes that made them more friendly – and their appearance became cuter, too. However, their journey towards domestication is not over. So far the foxes have been bred only for tameness, with all other changes coming as a by-product. If they were intentionally bred for the other traits, their evolution as a domesticated species could proceed even more quickly. Even without such selective breeding, however, they are still quite tame. Since 2010 Belyaev’s institute has been 50selling elite foxes as pets; a few lucky owners are happily settling into domestic life with a tame fox.

为了见到这些温顺的俄罗斯狐狸,我必须找到那些被领养为宠物的。它们散居世界各地,但经过一番努力,我找到了阳光明媚的圣地亚哥附近的JAB犬科动物教育与保护中心。那里有三只俄罗斯狐狸,而且很愿意让我见见它们。

To meet these tame Russian foxes, I had to find ones that had been adopted as pets. They are scattered all over the world, but assiduous searching led me to the JAB Canid Education and Conservation Center near sunny San Diego, which had three of the Russian foxes and was willing to let me meet them.

与精英会面

Meeting the elite

从圣地亚哥到西伯利亚狐狸新家的路上,我从阳光普照的沙漠一路来到凉爽的山区。抵达保护中心时,加州的交通让我紧张不安,同时又因为即将见到世界上最新的家养动物而兴奋不已。然而,当艾米·巴塞特来接我的车时,那些跳来跳去、挣脱她牵着的皮带的动物却不是狐狸。它们看起来像狗,但它们持续不断的嚎叫声却与我以往听到的任何声音都不同。艾米介绍说,它们是尼基和斯图姆皮·杜,属于一种非常稀有的品种:新几内亚唱犬。

The road from San Diego to the Siberian foxes’ new home took me from the sun-drenched desert into the cool mountains. When I arrived at the conservation centre, I was jittery with anxiety from the California traffic and pumped with adrenaline from anticipation at meeting the world’s newest domesticated animal. But when Amy Bassett came to meet my car, the leaping animals straining at the leashes she held were not foxes. They looked like dogs, but their constant howling was unlike anything I’d ever heard. Amy introduced them as Nicky and Stumpy Doo, members of a very rare breed: New Guinea singing dogs.

与澳大利亚野狗一样,这些犬类也曾是家养犬种,数千年前在新几内亚山区与人类和其他犬类隔绝后回归野外。它们以独特的方式进化,为我们了解犬类挚友的起源提供了一个独特的视角。37

Like the Australian dingo, these dogs are a formerly domesticated breed that returned to the wild thousands of years ago when they became isolated from both humans and other dogs in the mountains of New Guinea. They provide a unique window into the origins of our canine best friends, because they evolved in their own way.37

艾米对动物保护充满热情,她解释说,唱歌的狗在茂密的山间植被中嚎叫是为了与它们的群体交流。它们并不野生,但也并不温顺。除了非常吵闹之外,它们还极难进行家养训练——在几千年前它们被驯化时,这并非当务之急。然而,尼基和斯图姆皮杜无疑是狗。它们走到我面​​前,51把脸埋在我的腿上,疯狂地摇着尾巴:它们想和我做朋友,而且它们知道该怎么做。

Amy, who has a passion for animal conservation, explained that singing dogs howl to communicate with their pack in the dense mountain vegetation. They are not wild, but not quite tame, either. In addition to being very noisy, they are extremely difficult to house-train – this was not a priority when they were domesticated thousands of years ago. Yet Nicky and Stumpy Doo were unquestionably dogs. They came up to me and 51shoved their faces in my lap, wagging their tails wildly: they wanted to be friends and they knew how to go about it.

李·艾伦·杜加特金 (Lee Alan Dugatkin) 和银狐实验首席研究员柳德米拉·特鲁特 (Lyudmila Trut) 合著的《如何驯服狐狸(和养狗)》一书讲述了这个非凡的故事。艾米说,有些人对书名中的后半部分未能成功实现感到失望,但养狗从来都不是这两位俄罗斯科学家的目标。艾米的搭档戴夫是一个安静的人,他与动物的深厚感情体现在他稳健的动作和密切的关注中。他指出,西伯利亚狐狸实验涉及一个旨在阐明驯化基本要素的实验室模型。结果确实是一种新的家养动物,但它仍然忠于自己的起源——这正是我一直在寻找的。

The book How to Tame a Fox (and Build a Dog), by Lee Alan Dugatkin and Lyudmila Trut, who was lead researcher on the silver fox experiment, tells this remarkable story. According to Amy, some people are disappointed that the second part of the book’s title has not yet been successfully realised, but building a dog was never the Russian scientists’ goal. Amy’s partner Dave, a quiet guy whose deep connection to animals was apparent in his steady movements and close attention, notes that the Siberian-fox experiment involved a laboratory model designed to illuminate the basic elements of domestication. The result was indeed a new domesticated animal, but one that remains true to its origins – just what I was looking for.

那天我遇到了三只西伯利亚家养狐狸:银色的马克萨(Maksa)、红色的维克多(Viktor)和一只格鲁吉亚白狐米哈伊尔(Mikhail)。这些狐狸生活在室外围栏区域,有充足的奔跑空间和遮荫棚。戴夫把它们放出来后,它们冲过来嗅我。之后,它们像闪电一样飞奔而去,探索围栏的每个角落。它们不像新几内亚的唱犬那样逗留。它们对我很好奇——也对其他一切都很好奇。然而,它们与藏王狐狸村的狐狸截然不同。我立刻对马克萨、维克多和米哈伊尔产生了一种亲近感。它们想成为我的朋友。

I met three Siberian domesticated foxes that day: silver Maksa, red Viktor and Mikhail, a Georgian white. The foxes live in an outdoor fenced area with room to run and a shed for shade. When Dave let them out, they rushed over to sniff me. After that, they were off like a flash to investigate every corner of the enclosure. They didn’t linger, like the New Guinea singing dogs. They were curious about me – and about everything else. However, there was a huge difference from the foxes of Zaō Fox Village. I felt an immediate connection to Maksa, Viktor and Mikhail. They wanted to be friends.

就在我和俄罗斯狐狸建立联系的时候,艾米和戴夫又带了一只狐狸进入围栏。这只狐狸名叫伊希,是一只美国狐狸,小时候被人从皮毛养殖场救出来,由人亲手抚养长大。伊希已经习惯了人类,但基因上并不温顺。它进入围栏后,绕着外围走了一圈,然后躲到了长凳下面。它对艾米和戴夫很友好,但对我却很警惕。

Just as I was bonding with the Russian foxes, Amy and Dave brought another fox into the enclosure. This was Ishy, a US fox that had been rescued from a fur farm as a pup and hand-raised by people. Ishy is habituated to humans, but not genetically tame. When she came into the enclosure, she did a circuit of the outer edge, then retreated under a bench. She was friendly with Amy and Dave, but quite wary of me.

Ishy 比藏王狐狸村的动物们更温顺,但她的社会化程度却很肤浅。戴夫说,虽然她比西伯利亚狐狸更年轻、体型更小,但她在大多数争夺统治权的52互动中都能获胜,因为她咬得更狠。据戴夫说,当这种情况发生时,西伯利亚狐狸似乎会感到被背叛——你可以从它们的眼神中看出,它们在想:“这不是我们玩的游戏。”

Ishy is tamer than the Zaō Fox Village animals, but her socialisation is skin-deep. Dave said that although she is younger and smaller than the Siberian foxes, she wins most dominance 52interactions because she bites harder. According to Dave, when this happens, the Siberian foxes seem to feel betrayed – you can see in their eyes that they’re thinking, ‘That’s not the game we play.’

戴夫把伊希的驯服比作软件补丁。它大多数时候都能正常工作,但如果失效,它的行为就会瞬间改变。而西伯利亚狐则拥有完全不同的软件。驯化重塑了它们的大脑。“它们就像拥有灵魂一样,”艾米说。“它们拥有生命,我看着它们的眼睛,它们也看着我的眼睛,我们彼此相遇。这种联系是我在美国狐狸身上无法获得的。”

Dave likened Ishy’s tameness to a software patch. It works most of the time, but if it fails, her behaviour can change in a heartbeat. The Siberian foxes, on the other hand, have different software altogether. Domestication has rewired their brains. ‘It’s like they have a soul,’ says Amy. ‘They have a being and I look into their eyes and they look into mine and we see each other. There’s that connection that I don’t, or can’t, get from the US foxes.’

艾米解释说,他们通常不让人抱西伯利亚狐,但既然它们靠近我时毫无紧张迹象,她决定破例。戴夫抱起格鲁吉亚白狐米哈伊尔,把它放在我怀里。米哈伊尔抬头看着我,张开嘴,把头凑到我的鼻子边。看到一口狐狸牙齿扑面而来,我惊慌地向后靠去,米哈伊尔却伸出手,轻轻地把我的鼻尖含在嘴里。那一刻,我心中涌起一阵喜悦。一只我刚刚遇到的动物正在热情地打招呼——不像狗,而像狐狸。

Amy explained that they don’t usually allow people to hold the Siberian foxes, but since they approached me without any signs of stress, she decided to make an exception. Dave picked up Mikhail, the Georgian white, and placed him in my arms. Mikhail looked up at me, opened his jaws and moved his head towards my nose. Alarmed at the sight of an approaching mouthful of fox teeth, I leaned back in a panic, only for Mikhail to reach out and gently take the tip of my nose in his mouth. At that moment, joy washed over me. An animal I had just met was saying an affectionate hello – not like a dog, but like a fox.

西伯利亚狐狸并非变成了狗,而是以一种新的方式与人类融为一体的狐狸。巴塞特夫妇正尝试训练他们的狐狸与人类相处,这意味着要了解它们,并适应它们的性情。例如,巴塞特夫妇发现,虽然狐狸学把戏的能力和狗一样好,但它们有时也过于聪明了。你可以假装手里拿着零食,让狗耍花招。但狐狸很快就识破了你的诡计,干脆走开。这表明人与宠物的关系并非单向的。人类也必须经过社会化才能与动物互动。53

The Siberian foxes have not become dogs; rather, they are foxes that are attuned to humans in a new way. The Bassetts are trying to train their foxes in the ways of relating to humans, which means getting to know them on their terms and adjusting to their temperament. For example, the Bassetts have discovered that although the foxes learn tricks as well as dogs, at times they are too smart. You can fool a dog into doing a trick by pretending you have a treat in your hand. But the foxes figure out the subterfuge immediately and simply walk away. This shows that the human–pet relationship is not one-way. Humans must be socialised to interact with animals, too.53

图 2.2:与家养的西伯利亚狐近距离接触。

Fig. 2.2: Close encounter with a domesticated Siberian fox.

然而,家养狐狸的聪明才智并非它们最让我印象深刻之处。戴夫告诉我,当玛莎把球丢在沙发底下时,她不会像野狐那样,只是从不同角度挠球。“她会像狗一样抬头看着我,”戴夫说,“你能帮我吗?” 对我来说,这体现了我们与家养动物之间关系的本质。我们不仅仅是它们环境中的物品;我们是可以交流和互相帮助的伙伴。

However, the cleverness of the domesticated foxes is not what impressed me most about them. Dave told me that when Maksa loses her ball under the couch, she doesn’t simply scratch at it from different angles, like a wild fox would. ‘She’ll look up at me just like a dog would,’ Dave said. ‘Can you help me?’ To me, this speaks to the essence of the relationship that we can forge with domesticated animals. We’re not merely objects in their environment; we’re fellow beings who can communicate and help each other.

我一直以为“可爱”主要是一种视觉现象,但与狐狸相处的经历让我意识到,我们对“可爱”的感知也与事物的行为方式有关。这与入户野宏等心理学家的研究结果一致,他们认为“可爱”会引发亲和行为,也就是强化社会联系的行为。

I had always thought that cuteness was primarily a visual phenomenon, but my experience with foxes made me realise that our perception of cuteness is also related to how something acts. This is in line with the findings of psychologists like Hiroshi Nittono, who maintain that cuteness elicits affiliative behaviour, or actions that reinforce social bonds.

艾米把我介绍给他们54救助的野生狐狸伊希时,她说伊希的毛色——白色的脸、黑框的眼睛和耳朵——让她成为所有狐狸中最可爱的。但当伊希看了我一眼,立刻躲到长凳底下时,我却无动于衷。我的“可爱”反应是被西伯利亚狐狸马克萨、维克多和米哈伊尔的友好行为所激发的。多亏了它们,我开始明白,可爱不仅仅是肤浅的。

When Amy introduced me to Ishy, their undomesticated 54rescue fox, she said Ishy’s coloration, with her white face and black-rimmed eyes and ears, made her the cutest-looking of all their foxes. But when Ishy looked at me and promptly retreated under a bench, I was left unmoved. My cuteness response was triggered by the friendly behaviour of Maksa, Viktor and Mikhail, the Siberian foxes. Thanks to them, I began to think that cuteness was more than simply skin deep.

这反过来又让我对“可爱”在人类文化中的兴起有了新的认识。从亲和性社会行为的角度来思考“可爱”,比如西伯利亚狐狸所展现的那种行为,让我意识到,欧洲艺术中有一个由来已久的主题,代表着将人们联系在一起的力量:爱神丘比特。

This in turn gave me new insight into the rise of cuteness in human culture. Thinking about cuteness in terms of affiliative social behaviour, like that shown by the Siberian foxes, led me to realise that there was a long-standing motif in European art that represents the force that brings people together: Cupid, the god of love.

笔记

Notes

1 Royall Tyler,《日本故事》(纽约:Pantheon Books,1987 年)。

1 Royall Tyler, Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987).

2 LA Maher 等,《黎凡特(约旦)前纳图夫墓地发现的独特人狐墓葬》,PLoS ONE 6, 1 (2011), e15815,doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0015815。这具狐狸骨骼上没有烧伤或屠宰痕迹,这意味着它并非以肉或毛皮为价值的商品。在新石器时代晚期的墓葬中也发现了没有标记的狐狸骨骼。

2 L. A. Maher et al., ‘A Unique Human–Fox Burial from a Pre-Natufian Cemetery in the Levant (Jordan)’, PLoS ONE 6, 1 (2011), e15815, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0015815. The fox skeleton shows no trace of burn or butchery marks, implying that it was not a commodity valued for its meat or pelt. Unmarked fox bones have also been found in burial sites later in the Neolithic period.

3 J. Peters 和 K. Schmidt,“土耳其东南部前陶器新石器时代哥贝克力石阵的象征世界中的动物:初步评估”,人类动物学39, 1(2004 年),第 179-218 页。

3 J. Peters and K. Schmidt, ‘Animals in the symbolic world of Pre-Pottery Neolithic Göbekli Tepe, south-eastern Turkey: A preliminary assessment’, Anthropozoologica 39, 1 (2004), pp. 179–218.

4.约翰·布拉德肖,《狗的感觉:狗行为的新科学如何让你成为宠物更好的朋友》(纽约:基础图书出版社,2011年),第8-9页。图片看起来像狐狸,但一些科学家认为它们更有可能是金豺,因为金豺是群居动物,而狐狸则是独居动物。然而,猫也是独居猎手;而且,正如下文所示,有些狐狸可能天生就足够冷静,能够接近人类。

4 John Bradshaw, Dog Sense: How the New Science of Dog Behavior Can Make You a Better Friend to Your Pet (New York: Basic Books, 2011), pp. 8–9. The images look like foxes, but a few scientists believe they are more likely to be golden jackals, since these animals hunt in packs while foxes are solitary. Yet cats are also solitary hunters; and, as the following section demonstrates, some foxes may have been naturally calm enough to approach humans.

5 Rachel 和 Jun,《日本藏王狐狸村!》,2015 年 7 月 1 日,YouTube(2018 年 5 月 21 日访问)。212

5 Rachel and Jun, Fox Village in Zaō Japan!, 1 July 2015, YouTube (accessed 21 May 2018). 212

6 Vice Japan,100 Foxes – Fox Village(キツネ100匹!Fox Village),2013年10月5日,YouTube(2018年5月20日访问)。

6 Vice Japan, 100 Foxes – Fox Village (キツネ100匹!Fox Village), 5 October 2013, YouTube (accessed 20 May 2018).

7 AS Wilkins 等人,《哺乳动物的“驯化综合症”:基于神经嵴细胞行为和遗传学的统一解释》,《遗传学》 197,3(2014 年 7 月),第 795 页,doi:10.1534/genetics.114.165423。

7 A. S. Wilkins et al., ‘The “Domestication Syndrome” in Mammals: A Unified Explanation Based on Neural Crest Cell Behavior and Genetics’, Genetics 197, 3 (July 2014), p. 795, doi:10.1534/genetics.114.165423.

8 Lee Alan Dugatkin 和 Lyudmila Trut,《如何驯服狐狸(并养成狗)》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2017 年),第 7、15 页。

8 Lee Alan Dugatkin and Lyudmila Trut, How to Tame a Fox (And Build a Dog), (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017), pp. 7, 15.

9 Dmitri Belyaev,《不稳定选择作为驯化的一个因素》,《遗传杂志》 70,5(1979),第 301 页。

9 Dmitri Belyaev, ‘Destabilizing Selection as a Factor in Domestication’, Journal of Heredity 70, 5 (1979), p. 301.

10 Claudio J. Bidau,《几个世纪以来的驯化:达尔文的思想和 Dmitry Belyaev 对银狐的长期实验》,Gayana 73(Supplimento),(2009 年),第 64 页。

10 Claudio J. Bidau, ‘Domestication through the Centuries: Darwin’s Ideas and Dmitry Belyaev’s Long-Term Experiment in Silver Foxes’, Gayana 73 (Supplimento), (2009), p. 64.

11 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 15 页。

11 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 15.

12 Lyudmila N. Trut,《早期犬科动物驯化:农场狐狸实验》,《美国科学家》 87(1999 年),第 160-161 页。

12 Lyudmila N. Trut, ‘Early Canid Domestication: The Farm-Fox Experiment’, American Scientist 87 (1999), pp. 160–61.

13 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 12 页。

13 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 12.

14 Bidau,《几个世纪以来的驯化》,第 64 页。

14 Bidau, ‘Domestication through the Centuries’, p. 64.

15 Dmitri Belyaev,《动物驯化》,《科学杂志》 5,1(1969),第 47-52 页。

15 Dmitri Belyaev, ‘Domestication of Animals’, Science Journal 5, 1 (1969), pp. 47–52.

16 Lyudmila N. Trut 等人,《家养动物的进化:以家养狐狸为模型》,《生物论文集》 31,3(2009),第 3 页。

16 Lyudmila N. Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication: The Domesticated Fox as a Model’, Bioessays 31, 3 (2009), p. 3.

17 Trut,《早期犬科动物的驯化》,第 162 页。

17 Trut, ‘Early Canid Domestication’, p. 162.

18从狐狸幼崽一个月大开始,研究人员对它们进行了多次测试。研究人员会用戴着手套的手给幼崽喂食一小块食物,并尝试抚摸和触摸它。测试在笼子里进行一次,在围栏里进行一次,幼崽可以和其他幼崽一起跑来跑去。这个过程重复了几次。那些吃了食物、忍受笼子里抚摸,并且选择接近研究人员而不是和其他幼崽一起跑来跑去玩耍的幼崽,被选中来繁殖下一代。

18 The fox cubs were tested several times, beginning when they were one month old. A researcher would offer a tiny cub food from a gloved hand and try to stroke and handle it. This was done once in a cage and once in an enclosure where the baby foxes could run around with other cubs. The process was repeated several times. The cubs that ate the food and tolerated the stroking in the cage, and that chose to approach a researcher rather than run around playing with the other cubs, were then selected to breed the next generation.

19 Trut 等人,《驯化过程中的动物进化》,第 3 页。

19 Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication’, p. 3.

20 Brian Hare 和 Vanessa Woods,《狗的天才:狗为何比你想象的更聪明》(纽约:企鹅出版社,2013 年),第 74 页。

20 Brian Hare and Vanessa Woods, The Genius of Dogs: How Dogs are Smarter Than You Think (New York: Penguin, 2013), p. 74.

21 Belyaev,《不稳定选择作为驯化的一个因素》,第 301 页。

21 Belyaev, ‘Destabilizing Selection as a Factor in Domestication’, p. 301.

22 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 42 页。

22 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 42.

23 Trut 等人,《驯化过程中的动物进化》,第 3 页。

23 Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication’, p. 3.

24同上。213

24 Ibid. 213

25 Dugatkin和Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第56页。另请参阅Trut等人,《动物驯化过程中的进化》,第3页。

25 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 56. See also Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication’, p. 3.

26 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 57-8 页、第 73 页。

26 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, pp. 57–8, 73.

27同上,第 63-4 页。

27 Ibid., pp. 63–4.

28同上,第 72 页。

28 Ibid., p. 72.

29同上,第 75 页。

29 Ibid., p. 75.

30 Lee Alan Dugatkin,《银狐驯化实验》,《进化:教育与推广》 11,16(2018),第 2 页。

30 Lee Alan Dugatkin, ‘The Silver Fox Domestication Experiment’, Evolution: Education and Outreach 11, 16 (2018), p. 2.

31另一项平行实验采用与狐狸实验相同的方案,但以大鼠为实验对象,结果发现仅经过五代,大鼠种群就变得越来越驯服。大鼠实验继续进行,并得出了与狐狸实验非常相似的结果。Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 56 页。另请参阅 Nandini Singh 等人,“驯服和攻击性行为大鼠的面部形状差异”,PLoS ONE 12, 4(2017 年 4 月 3 日),doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0175043;以及 Frank W. Albert 等人,“动物驯养大鼠模型中驯服性的遗传结构”,Genetics 182(2009 年 6 月),第 541-54 页。

31 Another parallel experiment following the same protocols as the fox experiment, but using rats, resulted in a population of increasingly tame rats after just five generations. The rat experiment continued and has shown very similar results to the fox project. Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 56. See also Nandini Singh et al., ‘Facial shape differences between rats selected for tame and aggressive behaviors’, PLoS ONE 12, 4 (3 April 2017), doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0175043; and Frank W. Albert et al., ‘Genetic Architecture of Tameness in a Rat Model of Animal Domestication’, Genetics 182 (June 2009), pp. 541–54.

32 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 77 页。

32 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 77.

33同上,第 77-8 页。

33 Ibid., pp. 77–8.

34同上,第107-108页。目前,研究人员仍在努力确定造成这一现象的具体基因。最近的一项研究发现,狐狸的15号染色体是突触可塑性的“热点”,突触可塑性会影响与驯化相关的学习和记忆能力的变化。参见Dugatkin,《银狐驯化实验》,第2页。

34 Ibid., pp. 107–8. Work is ongoing to pinpoint the exact genes responsible. A recent study found that fox chromosome 15 is a ‘hotspot’ for synaptic plasticity, which affects changes in learning and memory associated with domestication. See Dugatkin, ‘The Silver Fox Domestication Experiment’, p. 2.

35 Dugatkin和Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第133页,第154-155页。另请参阅Trut等人,《动物驯化过程中的进化》,第4页。

35 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, pp. 133, 154–5. See also Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication’, p. 4.

36 Trut,《早期犬科动物的驯化》,第 163 页。

36 Trut, ‘Early Canid Domestication’, p. 163.

37 Hare 和 Woods,《狗的天才》,第 91 页。

37 Hare and Woods, The Genius of Dogs, p. 91.

可爱是人类生理的一部分。至少这个假设似乎最符合事实。人类儿童需要多年的关爱和社会化,而可爱有助于完成这项工作。然而,很难找到支持这一理论的实质性证据。除了洛伦兹在其儿童图式中识别出的婴儿特征外,一个物体是否可爱取决于我们的感知。以婴儿摇铃为例,它是已知最早的玩具之一。古代世界用陶土制作了大量婴儿摇铃,其中许多纯粹是实用的,但也有一些在现代人看来显得异想天开、充满趣味。当时的父母是喜欢看到自己的孩子抓着动物形状的摇铃,还是说这些摇铃是为了驱邪?我们无法确切知道。

Cuteness is part of human biology. At least that’s the hypothesis that seems to best fit the facts. Human children need years of care and socialisation, and being cute helps to get the job done. However, it’s difficult to locate material evidence for this theory. Apart from the baby-like features that Lorenz identified in his child schema, whether an object is cute or not depends on our perception. Take baby rattles, one of the earliest known toys. The ancient world produced plenty of these from terracotta pottery, and many of them are purely practical, but a few seem whimsical and playful to modern eyes. Did parents at that time enjoy the sight of their babies clutching rattles shaped like animals or were they meant to ward off evil spirits? It’s impossible to know for sure.

这就是在文化中寻找“可爱”的挑战所在。日本的56情况不同——“可爱”的基石早在一千年前就已存在——但当我转向中世纪欧洲的美术时,却几乎一无所获。僧侣们似乎从未想过,他们会在动物寓言集里赋予动物俏皮的个性,或者以写实的方式描绘它们。偶尔,我能在他们中间感受到一位爱猫人士。一本来自法国北部的十三世纪动物寓言集里,有一幅猫注视老鼠的图画,颇为可爱。1这种情况很少见——动物的象征意义似乎比其外观更为重要。

That’s the challenge of locating cuteness in culture. Japan 56was different – the building blocks of cuteness were in place a thousand years ago – but when I turned to the fine arts of medieval Europe, I found almost nothing. It didn’t seem to occur to monks that they might add a playful personality to the animals they portrayed in bestiaries, or to draw them in a realistic manner. Once in a while I can sense a cat-lover among them. A thirteenth-century bestiary from northern France includes an image of a cat watching a mouse, which is kind of cute.1 But such cases are rare – the symbolic meaning of the animal seems to have been more important than its appearance.

十八世纪之前的肖像画中出现的儿童很少可爱,因为他们几乎看起来不像孩子,艺术家们不仅关注孩子的外貌,也同样关注孩子长大成人后的样子。孩子们的姿势僵硬,表情严肃,象征着家族血脉的延续,而且他们往往缺乏个性。2

Children who appear in portraits before the eighteenth century are rarely cute because they hardly ever look like children, as artists focused as much on the adult that the child would become as on the physical aspects of the child. Children were posed stiffly with serious expressions, to show that a family lineage would continue, and they tend to show little personality.2

丘比特,爱神宝宝

Cupid, the baby god of love

然而,在文艺复兴时期和洛可可时期(约15至18世纪)之间,可爱的孩子随处可见——只是他们并非真实存在。相反,他们以小丘比特的形象出现,在绘画和壁画的边缘嬉戏玩耍。这些长着翅膀的小婴儿经久不衰,使得丘比特成为西方艺术中三个世纪以来可爱形象的主要表达。

However, cute children could be found everywhere between the Renaissance and the rococo period (c. the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries) – they just weren’t real. Instead they took the form of little cupids, gambolling around the edges of paintings and frescoes. The enduring popularity of these tiny winged babies made cupids the major expression of cuteness in Western art for three centuries.

丘比特最初是希腊神话中的爱神厄洛斯,他被描绘成青春期少年而非婴儿。但在公元前四世纪少年厄洛斯变得更年轻,并开始呈现出圆润的婴儿形象,成为受其母亲阿佛洛狄忒控制的婴儿爱神。3罗马人后来采用了这个形象,并将其命名为丘比特。由于罗马艺术家擅长描绘人形,他们的丘比特作品通常也沿用了儿童形象。然而,随着基督教时代的到来,57异教婴儿爱神形象逐渐淡出人们的视野。丘比特在中世纪出现时,他的形象常常被扭曲,或被描绘成前基督教时代的邪恶象征。4

Cupid began as the Greek god Eros, who was depicted not as an infant but as an adolescent youth. But in the fourth century bce the teenage Eros became younger and began to take on the rounded form of a child, a baby god of love who acted under the control of his mother, Aphrodite.3 The Romans adopted this later version and named him Cupid. Since Roman artists were skilled at depicting the human form, their cupids often followed the child schema. However, as the Christian era dawned, 57pagan baby love-gods fell out of fashion. When Cupid showed up in the medieval period, his form was often distorted or represented as an emblem of evil from the pre-Christian world.4

文艺复兴时期,艺术家们从古典时期汲取灵感。他们重新发现了可爱的罗马丘比特,并开始将其融入绘画、雕塑和壁画中。新的丘比特潮流始于意大利,在那里,古典风格的裸体长翼婴儿被称为“小天使”(putti)或“小天使”。5像多纳泰罗这样的艺术家将丘比特提升到天使的境界,并使其成为基督教肖像画的一部分。6 16世纪,丘比特作为一种装饰图案大量出现,并在17世纪进一步发展。7

In the Renaissance, artists turned to the classical period for inspiration. They rediscovered the cute Roman cupids and started adding them to their paintings, sculptures and frescoes. The new cupid trend began in Italy, where nude winged infants in the classical style were called putti or cherubs.5 Artists like Donatello elevated the cupid to the sphere of the angels and made him part of Christian iconography.6 In the sixteenth century cupids proliferated as an ornamental motif, and the trend accelerated in the seventeenth century.7

这些象征爱的婴儿神像越来越受欢迎,到了十八世纪,它们出现在从马桶到烛台的各种物品上。胖乎乎的婴儿在云朵中嬉戏,在波浪中嬉闹,在丝带和鲜花中嬉戏。但丘比特和小天使不仅仅是一个流行的主题;它们还具有严肃的宗教意义,这常常影响它们的可爱。

The popularity of these baby gods of love grew, and in the eighteenth century they appeared on everything from commodes to candlesticks. Chubby babies capered in the clouds, gambolled in the waves and frolicked among ribbons and flowers. But cupids and cherubs were more than simply a popular motif; they also had a serious religious meaning that often affected their cuteness.

拉斐尔的西斯廷圣母像上的小天使可能看起来很可爱,但他们仍然是神圣的天使——来自天界,他们并不代表真正的孩子,并且完全了解婴儿耶稣将要经历的考验和磨难。8这些成人的特质削弱了他们孩子般的可爱。

The cherubs who adorn Raphael’s Sistine Madonna may look cute, but they were still divine angels – being from the heavenly realm, they didn’t represent real children and were fully aware of the trials and tribulations that awaited the infant Jesus.8 These adult qualities detracted from their childlike cuteness.

随着十八世纪中叶洛可可时代的消退,丘比特也逐渐淡出人们的视线——与此同时,儿童肖像画也迎来了一场革命。僵硬的姿势消失了,孩子们的个性开始闪耀。如今,看着这些画作,人们仿佛突然意识到,他们周围环绕着的,正是那些装饰着墙壁的可爱丘比特的活生生的形象。为什么他们花了这么长时间才意识到,现实生活中的孩子身上也充满了可爱?

As the rococo era waned in the mid-eighteenth century, cupids fell out of fashion – just as a revolution was taking place in child portraiture. Stiff poses vanished and the personality of children started to shine through. Looking at the paintings now, it’s as if people suddenly realised that they were surrounded by living, breathing versions of the cute cupids that adorned their walls. Why had it taken them so long to recognise cuteness in real children?

图 3.1:拉斐尔的西斯廷圣母(1513-14 年)中的小天使。

Fig. 3.1: Raphael’s cherubs from the Sistine Madonna (1513–14).

当我回顾童年的历史时,我惊讶地发现一场激烈的学术58争论的余波仍在继续。这场争论始于1960年,当时历史学家菲利普·阿里埃斯(Philippe Ariès)认为,西方文化在其历史的大部分时期中,根本没有任何“童年”的概念。阿里埃斯在其里程碑式的著作《几个世纪的童年》中提出,“童年”的概念是启蒙思想的产物。他声称,在前现代时期,童年并不被视为一个独特的人生阶段。那时,成年人关心孩子,但并不真正与他们互动。他说,孩子们被当作有缺陷的成年人来对待。

When I looked into the history of childhood, I was surprised to find the smoking remnants of a raging academic 58debate. It had begun in 1960, when the historian Philippe Ariès suggested that for most of its history Western culture didn’t have any concept of childhood at all. In his landmark study Centuries of Childhood, Ariès proposed that the concept of childhood was a product of Enlightenment thinking. In premodern times, he claimed, childhood was not considered to be a distinct stage of life. Back then, adults cared for children, but didn’t really engage with them. Children, he said, were treated as deficient adults.

根据阿里耶斯的说法,前现代儿童大约在七岁时就进入了成人社会,因此中世纪绘画中的人物看起来都像身材矮小的成年人。正因如此,阿里耶斯认为,人们并不重视童年作为人生的一个特殊阶段,更有可能对这些无能的小大人施加严厉的管教,而不是珍惜他们的天真,纵容他们的淘气。9

According to Ariès, pre-modern children joined adult society at around the age of seven, which is why medieval paintings include figures who look like very short adults. For this reason, Ariès maintained that people didn’t value childhood as a special stage of life and were more likely to impose harsh discipline on these incompetent little adults than cherish their innocence and indulge their mischief.9

许多后来的历史学家甚至提出了更为激进的论断,认为59过去的父母并不爱自己的孩子。“在前现代家庭中,人们不会指望比在鸟巢中找到更多的爱,”阿里埃斯的一位英国助手写道。10这些历史学家认为,在一个婴儿死亡率极高的世界里,善意的忽视是孩子们所能期待的最好结果。他们声称,父母选择限制对子女的情感投入,毕竟,这些子女的寿命可能很短。

Many later historians made the even more radical claim that 59parents in the past had not loved their children. ‘One would not expect to find any more love in a premodern family than one would in a bird’s nest,’ wrote one of Ariès’s English aco-lytes.10 These historians argued that in a world with sky-high rates of infant mortality, benign neglect was the best children could hope for. They claimed that parents chose to limit their emotional investment in offspring who, after all, were likely to live for only a short time.

在我看来,认为父母直到现代才爱子女的想法似乎荒谬至极。我很高兴地发现,人们强烈反对这种想法。历史学家们从信件和日记中——阿里埃斯及其追随者忽略的资料——提供了证据,表明中世纪的父母爱他们的孩子,并为他们可爱的行为感到高兴。例如,父亲在孩子出生时给亲朋好友寄去祝贺信是很常见的。中世纪英国的法律法规规定了保护儿童的必要性。对此发表意见的日本学者指出,在他们国家,七岁以下的儿童长期以来一直受到纵容。高儿童死亡率带来的情感代价是巨大的,但这并没有排除对孩子的情感依恋或对孩子死亡的悲痛。11 1603年,诗人本·琼森为他七岁时死于瘟疫的长子写了一首挽歌。在最后一句中,他痛苦地后悔自己太喜欢他的儿子,这突显了他对孩子的爱使得失去儿子的痛苦如此难以承受。

To me, the idea that parents didn’t love their children until modern times seemed preposterous. I was relieved to find that there was strong resistance to this idea. Historians presented evidence from letters and diaries – sources that Ariès and his followers had ignored – to show that medieval parents had loved their children and delighted in their cute antics. For example, it was common for fathers to send celebratory letters to friends and family upon the birth of a child. Legal codes in medieval England stipulated the need to protect children. Japanese scholars weighing in on the matter noted that children under seven in their country had long been treated with indulgence. The emotional cost of high child mortality was great, but it didn’t preclude either emotional attachment to children or grief at their deaths.11 In 1603 the poet Ben Jonson wrote an elegy for his first son, who died of the plague at the age of seven. In the last line he bitterly regrets liking his son too much, which highlights that it was his affection for the child that made the loss so difficult to bear.

尘埃落定后,研究童年史的学者们一致认为,前现代欧洲社会确实认为童年是一个特殊时期,尽管它很短暂——许多儿童很小就进入了劳动力市场。然而,很明显,这个人生阶段被赋予了不同的含义。阿里耶斯说得对,儿童通常被视为不完整的成年人。一般来说,他们是边缘人物,不被认为是社会的重要组成部分。12

When the dust had settled, historians of childhood came to agree that pre-modern European societies did think of childhood as a special period, albeit a short one – many children joined the labour market at a young age. However, it’s clear that a different meaning was attached to this stage of life. Ariès was right in saying that children were often seen as incomplete adults. Generally speaking, they were marginal figures and were not considered an important part of society.12

这未必会影响父母对60孩子可爱一面的欣赏,但却会影响人们对孩子可爱一面的认知。前现代欧洲人往往不喜欢看到孩子爬行,因为这会让人联想到动物的动作。13因此,即使孩子们可爱的外表和天真的天性被认可,他们仍然会受到矛盾的对待。

This didn’t necessarily affect parents’ enjoyment of their 60children’s cuteness, but it did have an impact on how it was perceived. Pre-modern Europeans tended not to like seeing children crawl, because it recalled the movements of animals.13 So even when children’s cute appearance and innocence were recognised, they were still treated with ambivalence.

存在这种矛盾的态度并不奇怪;毕竟,每个父母都知道,孩子可能随和,也可能固执,可能可爱,也可能令人沮丧。孩子的不成熟当然是一种生理现象,但我们围绕这一事实构建的文化却在不断变化。在前现代和近代早期的欧洲,父母爱他们的孩子,同时也明白他们可能活不长。孩子可能消耗家庭资源,也可能增加家庭的安全感。对孩子滑稽行为的欣赏与人们对子女不朽灵魂的担忧之间存在着冲突。基于所有这些原因,似乎很明显,孩子天真和可爱的概念比我们想象的更加现代。14

It’s not surprising that such contradictory attitudes existed; after all, every parent knows that children can be accommodating or stubborn, adorable or frustrating. The immaturity of children is, of course, a biological condition, but the culture we weave around this fact changes. In pre- and early-modern Europe parents loved their children, while also understanding that they might not live long. Children could be a drain on resources or could add to the family’s security. Enjoyment of childish antics was in tension with the concern that people felt for their offspring’s immortal souls. For all these reasons, it seems clear that the concepts of childish innocence and cuteness are more modern than we think.14

艺术中涌现出可爱的孩子

Cute children emerge in art

一千年前的日本社会与欧洲截然不同。《枕草子》体现了平安时代文学对女性关怀的重要性,而《百兽图》则体现了日本宗教和公共生活中对嬉闹的欣赏尽管欧洲也有丘比特,但现代可爱审美的形成却又花了600年的时间。

Japanese society a thousand years ago was very different from that of Europe. The Pillow Book testifies to the importance of women’s concerns in Heian-era literature, while the appreciation of playfulness in Japanese religious and public life is evident in the Scroll of Frolicking Animals. Although Europe had its cupids, the development of the modern cute aesthetic took another 600 years.

如上所述,十八世纪之前欧洲的大多数儿童肖像画都强调了儿童在家族中的社会地位。有时与儿童肖像画一起出现的动物也蕴含着象征意义。例如,孩子手中牵着的金翅雀强调了孩子的基督教教养,儿童的面部表情则往往反映出他们未来的成年地位,而非其可爱程度。 61

As noted above, most child portraits in Europe before the eighteenth century emphasised the social position of children within the family line. The animals that sometimes appeared with them were imbued with symbolism. A goldfinch held in a child’s hand, for instance, emphasised the child’s Christian upbringing,15 while children’s faces tended to reflect their future adult status rather than their cuteness.16 61

虽然当时心理写实的儿童肖像画相对罕见,但也有一些例外。在索福尼斯巴·安圭索拉(约1532-1625年)的《棋局》(1555年)中,一个七岁左右的女孩带着顽皮的表情看着姐姐输掉一场棋局。安圭索拉有时被誉为文艺复兴时期第一位重要的女性画家,但她被禁止像男性画家那样学习解剖学,因此她转而从个人经历入手,并变得非常擅长描绘儿童和青少年的情绪状态。17

Although psychologically realistic portraits of children were relatively rare at this time, there are a few exceptions. In The Chess Game (1555) by Sofonisba Anguissola (c.1532–1625), a girl aged around seven wears a mischievous expression as she watches her sister lose a chess match. Sometimes described as the first major female painter of the Renaissance, Anguissola was barred from studying anatomy like her male counterparts, so she turned to her personal experience and became extraordinarily adept at depicting the emotional state of children and adolescents.17

为了深入了解《棋局》,我咨询了艺术家兼艺术教育家末永幸步,她曾担任我研究生时期的研究助理。姐妹俩僵硬的身躯令她印象深刻。“她们的姿势像机器人一样,”她说,“但小女孩的面部表情观察得很清楚,她手放在桌子上的方式也有点别扭,就像一个真正的孩子。” 安圭索拉走在了时代的前列;当时的艺术家们才刚刚开始习惯于描绘写实的儿童,而且有些人技艺高超。成年男性——即使是那些依靠精准观察才能获得职业发展的艺术家——对孩子的兴趣也并不大。

For insight into The Chess Game I turned to Yukiho Suenaga, an artist and arts educator who had been my research assistant as a graduate student. She was struck by the stiffness of the sisters’ bodies. ‘They pose like robots,’ she said, ‘but the facial expression of the little girl is well observed, and the way her hand rests on the table is a bit awkward, like a real child’s.’ Anguissola was ahead of her time; artists were only just getting used to painting children realistically, and some were better at it than others. Adult men – even artists whose careers depended on accurate observation – simply weren’t that interested in children.

约翰·洛克(1632-1704)和让-雅克·卢梭(1712-1778)等哲学家的启蒙思想标志着人们对儿童看法的彻底转变。18洛克将儿童视为“白板”(tabula rasa ),这使得儿童作为个体而重要,而不仅仅是不完美的成年人。与此同时,卢梭坚持认为应该允许儿童按照其天性行事。这两位思想家的共同影响创造了一种新的儿童观念。人们不再只看到他们未来的成年期,而是开始将他们视为个体,并珍视他们的纯真。然后,其他事情也发生了变化:父母开始认为他们的孩子应该幸福。

The Enlightenment ideas of philosophers such as John Locke (1632–1704) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) marked a sea change in how people thought about children.18 Locke’s concept of the child as a ‘blank slate’ (tabula rasa) made the child important as an individual, not merely as an imperfect adult. Rousseau, meanwhile, insisted that children should be allowed to act according to their nature. The combined influence of these two thinkers created a new idea of the child. Rather than seeing only their future adulthood, people started to look at them as individuals and to value their innocence. Then something else changed: parents began to think that their children should be happy.

在传统的农业社会中,童年与幸福无关。孩子们虽然玩得开心,但认为他们62天生快乐,或者父母有责任让他们快乐的想法并不普遍。父母通常会通过严厉的管教,向子女灌输道德和服从的观念。19

In traditional agricultural societies, childhood was not associated with happiness. Children had fun, but the idea that they 62were naturally cheerful, or that parents had a responsibility to make them happy, wasn’t common. Typically parents sought to instil morality and obedience in their offspring, often through harsh discipline.19

彼得·勃鲁盖尔创作于1560年的画作《儿童游戏》描绘了200多个儿童玩着80多种不同的游戏;他们玩洋娃娃、举办模拟婚礼、用皮带牵着玩具动物,甚至吹猪膀胱做气球。然而,只有少数孩子面带微笑,尽管许多孩子都圆脸,但勃鲁盖尔笔下的孩子们并不遵循洛伦兹的“儿童模式”。他们看起来一点也不可爱。在我看来,这幅作品就像一幅中世纪绘画,画中的孩子看起来更像成年人。事实上,考虑到它的主题,它的基调出奇地阴郁。

Pieter Bruegel’s 1560 painting Children’s Games shows more than 200 children playing more than eighty different games; they play with dolls, stage mock weddings, drag toy animals on leashes and blow into a pig’s bladder to make a balloon. However, only a few of them are smiling and although many have round faces, Bruegel’s children don’t follow Lorenz’s Kindchenschema. They simply don’t look cute. To me, the work has the feel of a medieval painting in which children look more like adults. In fact, considering its subject matter, its tone is surprisingly sombre.

渐渐地,尽管父母们仍然重视纪律和服从,但他们开始接受现代观念,认为孩子的幸福不仅对家庭有益,也对他们的未来至关重要。20 1749年,英国哲学家大卫·哈特利写道:“成年人最自然的欢笑似乎就是孩子们犯的小错误和小傻事。” 21

Gradually, although they continued to place importance on discipline and obedience, parents came around to the modern idea that children’s happiness was both good for the family and important for their future.20 In 1749 the British philosopher David Hartley wrote: ‘The most natural occasions of mirth and laughter in adults seem to be the little mistakes and follies of children.’21

十八、十九世纪现代童年观念的兴起,背后是几场社会变革。教育的重要性得到强调,儿童被尽可能地减少在幼年时期就投入工作,这使得他们从经济资产变成了负担。因此,父母们试图限制家庭规模,因为养育孩子现在变成了花钱而不是赚钱。婴儿死亡率的逐渐下降也助长了这一趋势。22最后,文学和艺术领域的浪漫主义运动(十八世纪末至十九世纪中叶)传播了儿童本质上纯洁无瑕的观念。就这样,随着云端嬉戏丘比特的形象逐渐式微,一种描绘快乐儿童的新潮流开始了,最终催生了后来被称为“可爱”的审美。63

Several social changes underlay the emergence of the modern idea of childhood in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The importance of education was emphasised, and children were less often put to work at as young an age as possible, which turned them from an economic asset into a liability. Parents consequently sought to limit family size, since children now cost money instead of earning it. Gradually decreasing infant mortality aided this decision.22 Finally, the Romantic movement (late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century) in literature and art spread the idea that children are essentially pure and innocent. In this way, as the popularity of playful cupids floating in the clouds waned, a new trend for the portrayal of happy individual children began, which eventually led to the aesthetic that came to be called cute. 63

这种新的美学通过十七、十八世纪的肖像画发展起来。23尤其是十八世纪的英国画家,他们的作品中始终如一地描绘了天真无邪的童年形象,与当时的社会潮流保持同步。24他们画作可以作为卢梭文本的插图,例如《爱弥儿》,这是一篇关于教育的论文,卢梭在书中建议用玩具和游戏来抚养孩子。25 这样的例子有很多,但其中一些尤其具有标志性。

This new aesthetic developed through portraiture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.23 Eighteenth-century British painters in particular created a consistent image of innocent childhood in their work that kept up with the current social trends.24 Their paintings could have been used as illustrations for Rousseau’s texts, such as Emile, a treatise on education in which he recommended raising children with toys and play.25 There are many examples, but a few are especially iconic.

托马斯·庚斯博罗的《蓝色男孩》创作于1770年左右,到19世纪初已成为最受欢迎的童年肖像画,其复制品需求旺盛。母亲们不仅喜欢男孩可爱的脸庞,也喜欢他那套复古的蓝色西装——这幅肖像创作时,这种西装已经过时了一个世纪。26

Painted around 1770, Thomas Gainsborough’s Blue Boy was the most popular image of childhood by the beginning of the nineteenth century, with reproductions of the work in high demand. Mothers loved not only the boy’s cute face, but also the retro look of his blue suit, a century out of fashion when the portrait was painted.26

至少有一位现代母亲对这幅画有类似的反应。当我向艺术教育家末永雪穗(Yukiho Suenaga)询问这幅画时,她反应如此热烈,令我感到惊讶。“这男孩太帅了!”她说,“他简直可以成为男子乐队的成员!我能感受到他柔软的肌肤。” 但雪穗对男孩的身体并不那么感兴趣。“我把手放在他的脸上,”她说,“这个可爱的男孩突然变成了一个中年男人。他的小腿肌肉发达,肚子鼓鼓的,大腿也太粗了。我在画里看到了两个不同的人:一个男孩的脸,一个成年男人的身躯。” 当时的画家仍在摸索如何真实地描绘儿童。

At least one modern-day mother has responded similarly to this painting. When I asked the arts educator Yukiho Suenaga about it, I was surprised by the fervour of her response. ‘This boy is so handsome!’ she said. ‘He could be a member of a boy band! I can feel his soft skin.’ But Yukiho wasn’t so enthused about the boy’s body. ‘I put my hand over his face,’ she said, ‘and this cute boy suddenly became a middle-aged man. There’s too much muscle on his calves, his belly is quite chubby, and his thighs are too thick. I see two different people in this painting: a boy’s face on the body of an adult man.’ The painters of this time were still in the process of working out how to realistically depict children.

此外,十八世纪浪漫主义肖像画中天真无邪的孩童形象往往被高高在上,以至于显得格格不入。引领西方艺术作品的主流审美是美;而当时肖像画中常见的纯真无邪的孩童形象,缺乏我们如今所熟知的那种亲切、亲切的温暖——那种可爱。

In addition, the Romantic image of the innocent child reflected in eighteenth-century portraiture was often so highly elevated that it seems not quite of this world. The major aesthetic that guided Western works of art was the beautiful; and the pure, innocent children who most often appear in portraits of this time lacked the familiar, approachable warmth that we now associate with cuteness.

64约书亚·雷诺兹爵士是对这种全新、纯真童年形象贡献最大的艺术家。与他那个时代的大多数艺术家不同,他欣赏并关注孩子气的行为。他试图取悦那些为他坐下的儿童模特,而他的同时代人则更有可能鞭打他们,以鼓励他们静坐。27雷诺兹创作于18世纪80年代的肖像画纯真年代》描绘了一个年轻女孩独自坐在公园般的环境中,双手紧抱胸前,裸露的脚趾从白色连衣裙下露出。艺术史学家安妮·希格内特指出,这幅画不妨命名为“纯真之创造”,因为在18世纪之前,艺术作品中并不存在这种天真无邪的儿童形象。28

Sir Joshua Reynolds was the artist who contributed the 64most to this new, innocent image of childhood. Unlike most artists of his period, he enjoyed childish behaviour and paid attention to it. He sought to amuse his child models when they sat for him, while his contemporaries were more likely to have them whipped to encourage them to sit still.27 Reynolds’s portrait The Age of Innocence from the 1780s shows a young girl sitting alone in a park-like setting, her hands clasped to her chest and her bare toes poking out from under a white dress. The art historian Anne Higonnet notes that the painting might as well be titled ‘The invention of innocence’, because before the eighteenth century such images of the naturally innocent child didn’t exist in art.28

我们理所当然地认为孩子比成人更天真,但这种观念的形成非常缓慢。自古以来,儿童就是成人世界里显而易见的一部分。贫困儿童被送去工作;富裕儿童则陪同长辈去展览和剧院。即使孩子们越来越被视为纯真无邪,他们仍然会接触到成人的行为,因此,天真与成熟之间的隔阂需要时间才能形成。举一个现在难以想象的例子:直到20世纪初,孩子们在酒馆里喝酒喝到酩酊大醉不仅很常见,而且也被人们接受。儿童哑剧经常包含关于酒精的笑话,似乎没有人对此提出异议,直到1904年,一位评论家最终谴责伦敦德鲁里巷皇家剧院的一部哑剧中的饮酒场景,认为它不适合年轻观众。29

We take it for granted that children are more innocent than adults, but this idea only took hold very gradually. From time immemorial, children had been a visible part of the adult world. Poor children were sent out to work; rich children accompanied their elders to exhibitions and the theatre. Even as children were increasingly seen as pure and naive, they were still exposed to adult behaviour, and for this reason the barrier between innocence and experience took time to develop. To take one example that is hard to imagine now, children drinking in taverns to the point of inebriation were not only common but also accepted, right up until the turn of the twentieth century. Children’s pantomimes often included jokes about alcohol, and no one seems to have objected until 1904, when a critic finally decried the drinking scenes in a pantomime at the Theatre Royal on Drury Lane in London as being inappropriate for a young audience.29

自中世纪以来,那些展现出与成人相关技能天赋的孩子一直备受青睐。30沃尔夫冈·阿马德乌斯·莫扎特这样的神童在欧洲巡回演出,儿童演员在舞台上大放异彩。威廉·亨利·韦斯特·贝蒂是一位儿童演员,他在 19 世纪初的伦敦舞台上扮演了65从哈姆雷特到罗密欧等成人角色,获得了巨大的成功。他非常受欢迎,以至于人们制作了一系列印有他面容的产品,包括纪念章、扇子、纸娃娃和鼻烟壶。31神童之所以受到崇拜,是因为他们拥有成人般的能力,但外表却很稚嫩。

Children who showed talent in skills that were associated with adults had been favoured since medieval times.30 Child prodigies like Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart toured Europe and child actors were prominent on the stage. William Henry West Betty, a child actor who experienced great success on the London stage in the early nineteenth century playing adult 65roles from Hamlet to Romeo, was so popular that a range of products bearing his visage were produced, including souvenir medals, fans, paper dolls and snuffboxes.31 Child prodigies were adored, due to the gap between their adult-like abilities and their childish appearance.

十九世纪,席卷而来的社会变革意味着童年更加受到重视。参与工作的儿童越来越少,上学的儿童越来越多。儿童死亡率开始下降,出生率也随之下降。随着人们迁往城市工作,核心家庭变得越来越普遍。父母开始将大量精力投入到他们少数更有可能存活下来的孩子身上。尤其是母子关系变得更加亲密,也更加理想化。32

During the nineteenth century sweeping social changes meant childhood was more highly valued. Fewer children worked, and more went to school. Child mortality rates began to fall, and so did birthrates. Nuclear families became more common as people moved to cities for work. Parents began to lavish attention on the few children they had who were more likely to survive. The mother–child relationship in particular became closer and more idealised.32

随着中产阶级的崛起,童年纯真的概念日益重要,然而,任何形式的早熟成人行为都可能威胁到它脆弱的本质。19世纪40年代中期至60年代中期,英国讽刺杂志《笨拙》(Punch)刊登了约翰·利奇(John Leech)的漫画,描绘的是那些“非常敏锐”的孩子,他们酗酒、赌博、说俚语,行为举止也像成年人一样放荡。33利奇笔下那些远非可爱的孩子表明,孩子行为举止像成年人的现象开始被赋予负面联想,因为它破坏了“孩子应该与成人世界隔绝”的新观念。

With the rise of the middle class, the concept of childhood innocence became increasingly important, yet its delicacy could be threatened by any form of precocious, adult behaviour. Between the mid-1840s and the mid-1860s the satirical English magazine Punch included John Leech’s cartoons about ‘Very Acute’ children who drank, gambled, used slang and exhibited louche adult behaviour.33 Leech’s far-from-adorable children show that the phenomenon of children acting like adults had started to take on negative associations because it undermined the new idea that they should be separated from the adult world.

在浪漫主义时期,塞缪尔·泰勒·柯尔律治、威廉·华兹华斯和查尔斯·兰姆等作家发展了卢梭最早倡导的原始儿童的概念——未受社会化、纯洁、亲近自然。华兹华斯在1804年宣称:“当我们还是婴儿时,天堂就在我们身边!” 34巧妙地用洛克天真无邪的“白板”形象取代了需要管教和指导的小罪人的形象。儿童开始代表成年人已经失去的优秀品质。

In the Romantic period, writers like Samuel Taylor Coleridge, William Wordsworth and Charles Lamb developed the notion of the primitive child – unsocialised, pure, close to nature – first espoused by Rousseau. ‘Heaven lies about us in our infancy!’ Wordsworth proclaimed in 1804,34 neatly replacing the image of little sinners requiring discipline and instruction with Locke’s innocent ‘blank slates’. Children began to represent desirable qualities that adults had lost.

表现孩子天真品质的许多主题都在十八世纪的儿童66肖像画中得到了发展。例如,像庚斯博罗的《蓝色男孩》一样,描绘穿着戏服的儿童,使他们看起来永恒。35雷诺兹的《扮演亨利世的克鲁少爷》(1775 年)描绘了一个打扮成同名国王的小男孩,他自豪地摆出姿势,显然很享受,这为构图增添了可爱感。当我与末永雪穗讨论这幅肖像时,她指出他的姿势有些尴尬。尽管他很热情,但年轻的克鲁少爷似乎不太确定国王应该如何摆姿势。

Many of the motifs that presented these qualities of childish innocence had been developed in eighteenth-century child 66portraiture. For example, depicting young children dressed in costumes, as Gainsborough had done with Blue Boy, made them seem timeless.35 Reynolds’s Master Crewe as Henry VIII (1775) depicts a young boy dressed as the eponymous king, his evident enjoyment as he proudly poses adding to the cuteness of the composition. When I discussed this portrait with Yukiho Suenaga, she pointed out a slight awkwardness in his stance. In spite of his enthusiasm, young Master Crewe seems slightly unsure of how a king is supposed to pose.

在男孩脚边嬉闹的小狗是另一个新的比喻。让孩子与动物并肩而立,让孩子显得不那么成熟,反而更贴近自然。36综合来看,我认为这幅画是十八世纪最可爱的肖像画。

The puppies frolicking at the boy’s feet are another new trope. Posing children alongside animals made the child seem less mature and more at one with nature.36 All things considered, the painting has my vote for the cutest portrait of the eighteenth century.

雷诺兹的构图假设观看这幅画的成年人希望看到的是幼稚和笨拙,而非飘逸的完美。这表明儿童正成为怀旧的象征;十八世纪标志着一种持久趋势的开始,成年人消费童真形象,以此作为对自身逝去青春的间接享受。37 现代可爱美学在一个世纪后出现,当时儿童的形象不再代表近乎神圣的纯洁,而是更加贴近现实生活。雷诺兹饰演的亨利八世的克鲁少校预示了这一发展,他通过添加嬉戏的动物和笨拙的热情等俏皮元素,摆脱了童年纯真的高雅美感。

Reynolds’ composition assumes that the adults who would view the painting wanted to see immaturity and awkwardness rather than ethereal perfection. It shows that children were becoming figures of nostalgia; the eighteenth century marked the start of an enduring trend that saw adults consuming images of childish innocence as a vicarious enjoyment of their own lost youth.37 The modern cute aesthetic emerged a century later, when the child went from representing an almost holy purity to something more grounded in real life. Reynolds’s Master Crewe as Henry VIII foreshadowed this development, moving away from the elevated beauty of childhood innocence by adding playful elements like frolicking animals and awkward enthusiasm.

虽然人们看待儿童方式的转变显然是后来“可爱文化”兴起的关键,但克鲁先生脚边的那些小狗提醒我,动物也产生了影响。幸运的是,我找到了斯蒂芬妮·霍华德-史密斯,她也是一位“可爱研究”的学者,其研究重点是18世纪的动物可爱。从斯蒂芬妮那里,我了解到,上流社会对哈巴狗的喜爱起源于67中国和日本,并在对哈巴狗扁平迷人脸庞的狂热中达到了顶峰。38它们不仅作为宠物很受欢迎,还被制成瓷器迷你模型。

Although the change in the way people viewed children was clearly key to the later rise of cute culture, those puppies at Master Crewe’s feet reminded me that animals also had an influence. Luckily I found Stephanie Howard-Smith, a fellow Cute Studies academic whose research focuses on animal cuteness in the eighteenth century. From Stephanie, I learned that the upper-class penchant for lapdogs, which had originated in 67China and Japan, found its peak in a fad for the flat, charming faces of pugs.38 They were popular not only as pets, but also as porcelain miniatures.

斯蒂芬妮发现,18 世纪养哈巴狗、收集这些可爱狗狗瓷器模型的女性,经常用儿语哄着它们,并热衷于收集更多,却被指责自我放纵,将自己的利益置于子女和家庭之上。39即使在今天,对可爱感兴趣的人有时也会被指责幼稚、幼稚,逃避成年人的责任。40弄清这是怎么发生的,让我们从旧世界走到新世界,因为我们今天熟悉的可爱审美,其根源在于 19 世纪的美国。

Stephanie has found that eighteenth-century women who owned pugs and collected porcelain models of these cute dogs, often cooing to them in baby talk and passionately acquiring more, were accused of self-indulgence and charged with putting their own interests ahead of their children and family.39 Even today, people interested in cuteness are sometimes accused of being childish or infantile and turning away from adult respon-sibilities.40 To find out how this happened, let us move from the old world to the new, for the cute aesthetic we are familiar with today has its roots in nineteenth-century America.

巴纳姆的婴儿秀

Barnum’s baby shows

传奇艺人PT·巴纳姆创立了以自己名字命名的著名马戏团,对19世纪美国流行文化产生了重大影响。41 19世纪50年代,为了宣传他的美国博物馆,他组织了花卉、犬类和家禽展览,突然想到公众会蜂拥而至,参加一场以婴儿外貌评判的比赛。然而,像植物、宠物或牲畜一样展示婴儿,直接触及了维多利亚时代家庭价值观的核心,这种价值观认为母子之间的纽带是神圣的。这种做法迅速遭到反击,批评者谴责那些“厚颜无耻地将婴儿推到公众面前”的母亲,认为是对母性神圣性的侵犯。42

P. T. Barnum, the legendary showman who founded a famous circus that bore his name, was a major influence on American popular culture in the nineteenth century.41 In the 1850s, while organising flower, dog and poultry shows to advertise his American Museum, he was struck by the thought that the public would flock to a competition that judged babies on their features. However, displaying babies like plants, pets or livestock struck directly at the core of Victorian family values, which considered the bond between mother and child to be sacred. Pushback was swift, with critics decrying mothers who thrust their babies ‘unblushingly into the public eye’ as violators of the sanctity of motherhood.42

尽管饱受批评,但公众似乎并不认同。巴纳姆于1855年举办的首届婴儿秀吸引了超过6万名观众,每人支付25美分即可观看143名参赛选手的表演。43四分之三的观众是女性;她们观看婴儿秀的真正原因正是这些比赛受到批评的原因——为了观看一场公开展示通常不为公众所知事物的盛会。4468当时大众商业娱乐活动是为男性观众设计的。45巴纳姆不仅打造了女性想看的活动,还煞费苦心地让她们在公共场合感到舒适自在。他聘请了一个女性评审团来评判婴儿秀,并在主展览空间旁边设立了一个由护士管理的托儿所,禁止男性进入。46

Despite this criticism, the general public seemed to disagree. Barnum’s first baby show, held in 1855, attracted more than 60,000 spectators, who each paid twenty-five cents to view the 143 contestants.43 Women comprised three-quarters of the guests; they came to the baby shows for the very reason these competitions were criticised – to witness a spectacle that 68openly displayed something usually hidden from public view.44 At this time, mass commercial entertainment was designed for a male audience.45 Barnum not only created events that women wanted to see; he took pains to make them feel comfortable going out in public. He engaged a panel of women to judge the baby shows, and there was a nursery next to the main exhibition space that was run by a nurse, where men were forbidden.46

19世纪下半叶婴儿秀的兴起,体现了人们对母子观念的转变。它们在乡村的农业集市和城市的剧院里变得司空见惯。它们被设置在展览厅,并用于筹款活动,而儿童杂志则指导女孩们如何为她们的娃娃举办婴儿秀。47

The proliferation of baby shows throughout the second half of the nineteenth century demonstrates changing attitudes about motherhood and children. They became commonplace at agricultural fairs in the countryside and at theatres in cities. They were mounted at exhibition halls and used for fundraising events, while children’s magazines instructed girls on how to hold baby shows for their dolls.47

在欧洲,婴儿秀被视为典型的美国式活动,略显粗俗,但仍然吸引了众多观众。48它们代表着一种致力于享乐、奇观和利润的新型消费文化的兴起。这是兜售假万能药的专利药秀、廉价博物馆的奇异玩意儿以及美洲原住民等部落民族的民族志展览的黄金时代,所有这些展览都收藏在巴纳姆的美国博物馆。然而,婴儿秀也成为制造商展示摇篮和婴儿车等新产品的机会;母亲们欣然接受了这些新产品以及它们提供的炫耀婴儿的机会。19世纪末,《纽约时报》将妇女推着新买的婴儿车在城市街道上游行称为“名副其实的婴儿秀”。49母亲们掌控了局面,亲自展示她们的婴儿。

In Europe, baby shows were seen as distinctly American and slightly vulgar, but drew in the crowds nonetheless.48 They represented the rise of a new consumer culture that was dedicated to pleasure, spectacle and profit. This was the golden age of the patent medicine show that hawked fake cure-alls, the sideshow oddities of the dime museum and ethnographic exhibitions of tribal peoples like Native Americans, all of which were included in Barnum’s American Museum. Baby shows, however, became an opportunity for manufacturers to present new products like bassinets and baby carriages; mothers embraced these new items and the opportunities they afforded to show off their babies. At the end of the nineteenth century The New York Times referred to the parade of women pushing their newly acquired baby carriages on city streets as a ‘veritable baby show’.49 Mothers had taken the reins and were displaying their babies by themselves.

十八世纪的肖像画完美地展现了孩子纯洁无瑕的理念,这使得母子之间的纽带显得格外私密,甚至神圣。然而,婴儿秀却为女性提供了一种新的选择,打破69了过去围绕育儿的道德严肃性,教会她们将自己的孩子视为快乐的源泉。50从这个意义上讲,婴儿秀是美国“可爱”文化发展的关键事件。然而,尽管全国性和地方性报纸上都刊登了对这些婴儿秀的评论,我却从未找到一篇称这些婴儿“可爱”的文章。“可爱”这个词当时还没有获得其现代意义。

The idea that children were pure and innocent, expressed so well in eighteenth-century portraiture, made the bond between mother and child seem deeply private, even holy, but baby shows gave women an alternative to the moral seriousness 69that had surrounded child-rearing by teaching them to see their own babies as sources of pleasure.50 In this sense, they were a key event in the development of American cute culture. However, although reviews of the shows were splashed all over national and local newspapers, I have yet to locate a single one that called the babies ‘cute’. The word hadn’t yet attained its modern meaning.

即使是那些批评公开展示婴儿的评论,也对参赛者赞不绝口。这些婴儿被描述为英俊、美丽、漂亮、聪明、五官精致。51奖项按年龄分类颁发,包括双胞胎、三胞胎和最胖婴儿(在婴儿死亡率高的时代,这被认为是健康的标志)。然而,一等奖颁给了“最漂亮”的婴儿,而不是最可爱的婴儿。52

Even reviews that criticised the public display of infants described the contestants in complimentary terms. The babies were referred to as handsome, beautiful, pretty, smart and fine-featured.51 Prizes were given in categories according to age, and included twins, triplets and the fattest baby (considered a sign of health in an age of high infant mortality). First prize, however, went to the ‘finest’ baby – not the cutest.52

《纽约时报》的一篇专栏文章这样评价一位婴儿秀的冠军:“他的体态完美地展现了婴儿般的优雅。” 53十九世纪中叶,对儿童的正面描绘仍然强调他们的天真和纯洁,将他们与高尚的审美观联系起来,而非日常的可爱。这让我不禁思考,“可爱”一词的含义是否从“聪明”变为“可爱”时,是否已经到达了一个转折点。随着人们对一种无人提及的情感的兴趣逐渐增长,人们需要一个新的词来捕捉它。但为什么是“可爱”呢?

A New York Times column said of a champion in a baby show: ‘His form is the very perfection of infantile grace.’53 In the mid-nineteenth century positive depictions of children continued to emphasise their innocence and purity, associating them with the elevated aesthetic of beauty rather than the everyday quality of cuteness. This led me to wonder whether a tipping point was reached when the meaning of the word ‘cute’ changed from clever to adorable. After the slow growth of interest in a feeling that nobody had bothered to name, a new word was needed to capture it. But why was that word ‘cute’?

在19世纪50年代,这个词仍然是“聪明”的同义词,指的是行为而非外表。尽管婴儿被称为“聪明”或“看起来聪明”,但他们并没有表现出聪明的行为,所以不被称为“可爱”。54巴纳姆的表演是新美学创造的重要一步,最终促使该词获得了其现代含义。但是,既然已经存在完全适用的“可爱”或“可爱”等词,为什么“可爱”会流行起来呢?这种不断发展的美国审美观需要一种额外的元素,一种70顽皮的热情,而这种热情可以用一个象征聪明的词来表达。

In the 1850s the word was still a synonym for clever, and applied to behaviour rather than appearance. Although babies were called ‘bright’ or ‘intelligent-looking’, they did not display clever behaviour, so they were not called ‘cute’.54 Barnum’s shows were a significant step in the creation of a new aesthetic that eventually prompted the word to attain its modern meaning. But why did ‘cute’ take hold, when the perfectly serviceable ‘adorable’ or ‘lovely’ already existed? Something about this evolving American aesthetic required an additional element, a 70mischievous exuberance that was captured by a word that connoted cleverness.

婴儿秀是文化变迁的标志,最终引发了萌宠的盛行。19世纪70年代至20世纪30年代,许多事情都发生了变化。童工改革以及义务教育的推进,使得各个阶层的儿童,正如社会学家薇薇安娜·泽利泽(Viviana Zelizer)所说,变得“经济上一文不值,情感上却无价”。在教育家、女权主义者、心理学家和工会领袖等各类社会改革者的共同努力下,儿童应该免于承担成人责任的理念逐渐传播开来。55这样,那些曾经被成人边缘化的儿童,成为了文化的中心。56

The baby shows were a sign of a cultural shift that would eventually cause a boom in cuteness. Between the 1870s and the 1930s many things changed. Child-labour reforms, along with the push for compulsory education, saw children of all classes become, as the sociologist Viviana Zelizer put it, ‘economically worthless but emotionally priceless’. The idea that children should be protected from adult responsibilities gradually spread through the concentrated efforts of a variety of social reformers, from educators and feminists to psychologists and union leaders.55 In this way, children who had previously been pushed to the margins by adults became central to culture.56

因此,童年变成了值得珍惜的东西,而不是需要尽快度过的东西。当成年人开始将童年视为逃避成年压力的心理避难所时,他们便会通过间接地享受童年的淘气和嬉闹来获得快乐和愉悦。57成年人开始将童年视为沉溺于怀旧的载体时,一种新的审美观便应运而生。

Accordingly, childhood became something to value instead of something to get through as quickly as possible. When adults began to regard childhood as a psychological refuge from the pressures of adulthood, they found joy and delight by vicariously enjoying childish mischief and high jinks.57 As adults began to embrace childhood as a vehicle for indulging in their own nostalgia, a new aesthetic developed.

西格妮的猫人

Sigourney’s cat-people

在十九世纪的北美,一系列艺术主题和文学主题让“可爱”这一古老的情感得以以新的方式表达。在缓慢而不确定的诞生之后,一种新的“可爱”美学在二十世纪崛起,并征服了流行文化。安吉拉·索比是密尔沃基马凯特大学的文学学者和诗人,她思维敏锐,幽默感十足。在两篇关于早期美国“可爱”的文章中,她描述了“可爱”美学在十九世纪中期的兴起,并解释了为什么之前的时代并不公开赞美儿童的可爱。

In nineteenth-century North America a cluster of artistic motifs and literary themes allowed the age-old emotion of cuteness to be expressed in a new way. After a slow and uncertain birth, a new cute aesthetic rose up to conquer popular culture in the twentieth century. Angela Sorby is a literary scholar and poet at Marquette University in Milwaukee with a keen mind and a dry sense of humour. In two articles on early American cuteness, she described the emergence of the cute aesthetic in the mid-nineteenth century and explained why previous eras did not publicly celebrate the cuteness of children.

安吉拉指出,可爱在71二十世纪初文化中的惊人崛起,是发生在成年人开始将孩子视为快乐的源泉,而不是即将下地狱的小罪人之后。她更深层次的洞见是,孩子们被欣赏为一种奇观,可以在家庭之外与他人分享。这种从私人领域到公共领域的转变,是解释可爱如何席卷流行文化的关键一步,而她的分析则基于一位鲜为人知的默默无闻的作家。

Angela has shown that the spectacular rise of cuteness in 71early-twentieth-century culture only occurred after adults began to consider their children as a source of pleasure, instead of as little sinners who were in danger of going to hell. Her deeper insight is that children became appreciated as a spectacle that could be shared with others beyond a domestic setting. This movement from the private to the public sphere is a key step in explaining how cuteness was able to take over popular culture, and her analysis hinges on an obscure writer of whom few people have heard.

莉迪亚·西格妮(1791-1865)是美国独立战争和南北战争时期最多产的作家之一,也是十九世纪美国女性的典范。58女性与儿童关系被偶像化的时代,她体现了维多利亚时代的感伤主义和道德正直。59她童年时期对洋娃娃和猫咪的鲜明反应中,我们可以看出她对新兴的可爱审美的尝试。

Lydia Sigourney (1791–1865) was one of the most prolific authors in the period between the American Revolution and the Civil War, and a paragon of nineteenth-century American womanhood.58 At a time when the relationship between women and children was idolised, she embodied Victorian sentimentalism and moral rectitude.59 We can see her tentative forays into the nascent aesthetic of cuteness in her contrasting childhood reactions to dolls and cats.

西格妮在自传《生命书信》中透露,她小时候几乎没有玩具,她写道:“在共和国成立初期,我们的商船并没有用德国和法国的玩具来装运货物。那些能睁开眼睛、活动关节、发出呻吟声的娃娃在当时还不为人所知,甚至可能被认为是巫术的产物。” 这位初出茅庐的作家常常把她自制的几个娃娃排成一排,进行演讲,谴责它们的缺点,并“强调各种道德义务”。这是一个揭示18世纪后期普遍存在的对待儿童态度的轶事。60

In her autobiography Letters of Life, Sigourney reveals that she had few toys as a child, writing: ‘In those early days of the republic our merchant vessels did not swell their freight with the toys of Germany and France. Dolls that opened their eyes, moved their joints, and moaned were unknown, and might have been deemed the work of necromancy.’ The budding author used to line up her few home-made dolls and deliver lectures in which she reproved their faults and ‘enforced a variety of moral obligations’. It’s a revealing anecdote about the attitude towards children that was prevalent in the late eighteenth century.60

西格妮与她的猫咪关系截然不同。她儿时曾创作过一部名为《关于猫咪》(Concerning Ye Catte)的滑稽短剧,旨在为猫咪辩护,反驳人们对它们“自私、谄媚或虚伪”的指责。61这位年轻的作家指出,虽然狗会受到它们所跟随的男人的称赞,但猫咪却一直待在室内,与女人相处,它们的一举一动不太引人注意。62有趣的是,同样的理论也被用来72解释为什么猫咪在200年后在互联网上如此流行;它们可爱的滑稽动作大多发生在主人的视线范围内——直到网络视频的普及。63

Sigourney had a quite different relationship with her cats. As a child, she wrote a comical sketch called ‘Concerning Ye Catte’, which undertook to defend cats from accusations that they were ‘selfish, fawning or hypocritical’.61 The young writer points out that while dogs are praised by the men they follow around, cats remain inside with women and their actions are less visible.62 Interestingly, this same theory has been proposed 72to explain why cats were ascendant on the Internet 200 years later; their cute antics took place largely within sight of their owners – until the spread of online videos.63

西格妮出生于1791年,在她成长的年代,写实的玩偶甚至会被视为恶魔,但她对猫咪的热情辩护,却与如今爱猫人士对宠物的看法如出一辙。西格妮教她的猫咪用后腿站立,并用鼻子蹭她伸出的手,而她刻意采用古风笔触描写母猫和小猫的笔法,更能展现她对可爱美学的探索:“她和它们欢快地玩耍,适时地蹦蹦跳跳。但她也尊重它们的举止,如果它们不听话或惹她不高兴,她就会张开爪子打它们的小耳朵。还有其他四足动物会做这样的事吗?” 64西格妮既将她的“猫人”拟人化,又发现它们身上兼具嬉戏和自律,这在当时实属罕见。

Born in 1791, Sigourney grew up in an age when realistic dolls may well have been considered demonic, yet her spirited defence of cats exactly matches the way that cat-lovers think of their pets today. Sigourney taught her cats to stand on their hind legs and nuzzle her proffered hand, and the way she writes of a mother cat and her kittens (in a deliberately archaic style) provides a further insight into her tentative steps towards the cute aesthetic: ‘She playeth merrily with them, and frisketh at proper times. Yet hath she due regard unto their manners, and boxeth their small ears with a wide-spread paw, if they disobey or displease her. Is there any other four-footed creature that doeth these things?’64 Sigourney both anthropomorphises her ‘cat-people’ and discovers a mixture of playfulness and discipline in them that was unusual at the time.

在《人生书信》中,西格妮形容自己的童年是快乐的,但她更强调“勤奋、秩序和服从”,而非玩耍65——很明显,她不支持将可爱作为公开的奇观。当 P.T. 巴纳姆试图招募她担任他的婴儿秀的评委时,她甚至没有回应他的邀请。像西格妮这样的内战前美国人,在原罪的旧观念和天真儿童的浪漫概念之间左右为难,反对将他们视为神圣信托的东西当作奇观。66原罪与天真的争论中,孩子是一个令人担忧的人物;不服从——无论多么轻微——都预示着孩子有遭受地狱之火的危险,而这个时期淘气孩子的照片则谴责父母监管不力。67

In Letters of Life Sigourney characterises her childhood as happy, yet she emphasises ‘industry, order and obedience’ more than play65 – and it is clear that she did not support cuteness as a public spectacle. When P. T. Barnum tried to recruit her as a judge for his baby show, she didn’t even answer his invitation. Antebellum Americans like Sigourney, torn between the older idea of original sin and the romantic concept of the innocent child, were opposed to making a spectacle of what they saw as a sacred trust.66 The child was a fraught figure in the debate between original sin and innocence; disobedience – however slight – signalled a child in danger of hellfire, while pictures of mischievous children from this period reprimanded parents for poor supervision.67

孩子调皮捣蛋总是能给父母带来一些私人乐趣,但这些时刻通常在家庭内部受到赞赏,或被记录在私人日记中。68公开著作中,这种行为受到了严厉的批评。73根据原罪教义,不服从,无论是言语还是行为,都被视为对孩子不朽灵魂的威胁。16世纪,蒙田谴责成年人以孩子嬉闹为乐——他认为这种行为无异于“为了娱乐,像猴子一样”爱孩子。69 17世纪,道德家和教育家严厉批评那些似乎将孩子视为娱乐来源的父母,理由是这会阻碍他们发展成为理性的人和善良的基督徒。70虽然洛克和卢梭等启蒙思想家提出了相反的观点,认为孩子天生天真无邪,但他们的思想在美国却迟迟未能普及,因为福音派基督教女性在大众文化中扮演着更重要的角色。71

Childish mischief has always afforded private amusement to parents, but these moments were generally appreciated within the family or confided to private diaries.68 In public writings, such behaviour was roundly criticised. Disobedience, whether 73in word or deed, was seen as perilous to the child’s immortal soul, under the doctrine of original sin. In the sixteenth century Montaigne decried the idea of adults taking pleasure in childish frolicking – he thought such behaviour was tantamount to loving children ‘for our amusement, like monkeys’.69 In the seventeenth century moralists and educators chastised parents who seemed to regard their children as sources of entertainment, on the grounds that it stunted their development into rational beings and good Christians.70 While Enlightenment thinkers like Locke and Rousseau offered a contrasting view, presenting children as naturally innocent, their ideas were slow to take hold in the US where evangelical Christian women played a larger role in popular culture.71

维多利亚时代赋予童年一种神圣的氛围,而天真无邪不仅是儿童与成人的区别,也让他们略带神秘感。他们是珍贵的财产,随时可能被上帝收回,因此,在新的“可爱”潮流真正盛行之前,必须剥夺他们身上这种精神特质。72

The Victorians imbued childhood with an aura of sanctity, and innocence was the quality that not only separated children from adults, but also made them slightly mysterious. They were precious possessions that could be reclaimed by God at any moment, and they had to be divested of this spiritual quality before the new trend in cuteness could really take hold.72

慢慢地,一种新的世俗观念在美国兴起,认为顽皮无善无恶,而是孩子天性的一部分。孩子的缺点可能很可爱,甚至很有趣。一旦将孩子视为基督教美德的化身或缺失的倾向开始消退,孩子的淘气就可以被一笑置之。但由于十九世纪中期社会中古老的宗教价值观依然盛行,展现孩子的可爱必须谨慎处理。73

Slowly a new secular concept emerged in the US that considered naughtiness neither good nor evil, but part of a child’s nature. A child’s flaws could be charming, and even funny. Childish mischief could be laughed off once the penchant for viewing a child as either the embodiment or lack of Christian virtue started to wear off. But since the older religious values were still around in mid-nineteenth-century society, representing the cuteness of children had to be carefully managed.73

改变取决于一种思维方式的出现,这种思维方式能让成人以新的眼光看待孩子。P.T. 巴纳姆的婴儿秀将这种新颖的思维方式带入公共领域,但它也存在于纸上。1864 年,莉迪亚·西格尼出版了一本家庭轶事集《小家伙们的谚语》,其中包括一些孩子犯下的滑稽错误的故事。但她仍然没有使用“可爱”这个词——她努力寻找一种方式来描述74那些犯错的孩子,他们的错误是可爱的而不是不听话的,是有趣的而不是有罪的。她注意到,青春的美丽和孩子般的聪明,再加上天真和单纯,可以创造出一种独特而有趣的效果——简而言之,就是可爱美学。但她仍然没有想到这个词本身。

Change depended upon the emergence of a mindset that enabled adults to see children in a new light. P. T. Barnum’s baby shows brought this novel way of thinking into the public sphere, but it also existed on the page. In 1864 Lydia Sigourney published a collection of domestic anecdotes, Sayings of Little Ones, that included stories of comic childish failings. Still the word ‘cute’ is absent – she struggled to find a way of describing 74children whose missteps were endearing rather than disobedient, funny rather than sinful. She noted that a combination of youthful beauty and childish cleverness, together with naivety and simplicity, could create a unique and amusing effect74 – the cute aesthetic in a nutshell. Yet the word itself still eluded her.

当西格妮记录孩子们可爱的错误时,日本正是一个与世隔绝的隐居王国,与外界隔绝。西格妮努力将一种新的、有趣的审美与她严格的基督教原则相协调,这对日本人来说是难以理解的。日本人历来将玩乐融入艺术和文学,加上重视简朴、无常和细枝末节的传统,意味着可爱早已存在于日本文化中,而且不仅仅局限于艺术领域。在欧洲上流社会中广受欢迎的哈巴狗可能起源于中国,但它们经常被称为“日本犬”,这表明它们可能是从日本传入欧洲的。75既然我们已经了解了可爱在欧洲和美国的缓慢发展,让我们来看看同一时期日本的情况——我们先从狗说起。

While Sigourney was cataloguing the cute mistakes of children, Japan was a hermit kingdom that kept the outside world at bay. Sigourney’s struggles to reconcile a new, amusing aesthetic with her strict Christian principles wouldn’t have made sense to the Japanese. Their history of incorporating playfulness into art and literature, along with the traditions of valuing simplicity, impermanence and small things, means that cuteness had long had a presence in Japanese culture, and not only in the arts. The lapdogs that were so popular among the European upper classes may have originated in China, but they were often referred to as ‘Japanese dogs’, indicating that they may have made their way to Europe from Japan.75 Now that we’ve seen the slow development of cuteness in Europe and the US, let’s take a look at the same period in Japan – and we’ll start with dogs.

笔记

Notes

1中世纪动物寓言集bestiary.ca/beasts/beastgallery213.htm(2022 年 7 月 29 日访问)。

1 The Medieval Bestiary, bestiary.ca/beasts/beastgallery213.htm (accessed 29 July 2022).

2 Jane Eade,《肖像画》,载于 Anna French 编辑,《早期现代童年:导论》(伦敦:劳特利奇,2020 年),第 282-99 页。

2 Jane Eade, ‘Portraiture’, in Anna French, ed., Early Modern Childhood: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 2020), pp. 282–99.

3 Philippe Ariès,《童年的几个世纪:家庭生活的社会史》,Robert Baldick 译(纽约:Alfred A. Knopf,1962 年),第 34 页。

3 Philippe Ariès, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962), p. 34.

4 Sally A. Struthers,多纳泰罗的普蒂:其起源、重要性及其 对十五世纪雕塑和绘画的影响,第一卷和第二卷,俄亥俄州立大学论文,1992 年,第 42 页。214

4 Sally A. Struthers, Donatello’s Putti: Their Genesis, Importance, and 214Influence on Quattrocento Sculpture and Painting, Vols I and II, Dissertation, Ohio State University, 1992, p. 42.

5同上。

5 Ibid.

6同上,第 74-5 页。

6 Ibid., pp. 74–5.

7 Ariès,《童年的几个世纪》,第 44 页。

7 Ariès, Centuries of Childhood, p. 44.

8同上。另请参阅 Anne Higonnet,《纯真图景:理想童年的历史与危机》(伦敦:泰晤士与哈德逊出版社,1998 年),第 17-18 页。

8 Ibid. See also Anne Higonnet, Pictures of Innocence: The History and Crisis of Ideal Childhood (London: Thames and Hudson, 1998), pp. 17–18.

9 Ariès, Centuries of Childhood , pp. 128–9. 虽然 Ariès 承认,孩子们的可爱一定得到了母亲和保姆的欣赏,但他将这种情感归入“未表达情感的巨大领域”,而这种情感在当时的文化中普遍不存在(同上,第 130 页)。

9 Ariès, Centuries of Childhood, pp. 128–9. While Ariès did admit that the cuteness of children must have been appreciated by their mothers and nurses, he consigned this emotion to ‘the huge domain of unexpressed feelings’ that didn’t appear in the culture at large (ibid., p. 130).

10 Peter N. Stearns,《世界历史中的童年》(伦敦:劳特利奇,2010 年),第 10 页。

10 Peter N. Stearns, Childhood in World History (London: Routledge, 2010), p. 10.

11同上,第 11、13、19 页。

11 Ibid., pp. 11, 13, 19.

12 Colin Heywood,《童年史》(剑桥:Polity,2018 年),第 2-3、11 页。

12 Colin Heywood, A History of Childhood (Cambridge: Polity, 2018), pp. 2–3, 11).

13 Stearns,《世界历史中的童年》,第 61 页。

13 Stearns, Childhood in World History, p. 61.

14 Anna French,《纯真》,法语版,《早期现代童年》,第 80 页。

14 Anna French, Innocence, in French, ed., Early Modern Childhood, p. 80.

15 Jane Eade,Portraiture,同上,第 295 页。同样,狗代表忠诚,而兔子的繁殖力使它们成为欲望的象征。

15 Jane Eade, Portraiture, ibid., p. 295. In a similar fashion, dogs represented fidelity while the fecundity of rabbits made them a symbol of lust.

16伊戈内,《纯真图画》,第17、19页。十七世纪之前,儿童的绘画是为了“表明他们未来的成人社会地位”。他们的穿着和行为举止都像成年人。他们通常甚至长得也像成年人,但随着艺术家们学会如何逼真地描绘儿童,这种情况逐渐发生了改变。例如,凡·戴克笔下的儿童面孔比他们的身体更像孩子。

16 Higonnet, Pictures of Innocence, pp. 17, 19. Before the seventeenth century children were painted to ‘indicate their future adult social status’. They were dressed, and behaved, like adults. Often they even looked like adults, though this gradually changed as artists learned to depict children realistically. Van Dyck’s children’s faces, for instance, are more childlike than their bodies.

17黛博拉·所罗门 (Deborah Solomon),《老情妇反目成仇》,《纽约时报》,2019 年 12 月 16 日(2022 年 9 月 28 日访问)。

17 Deborah Solomon, ‘Old mistresses turn tables on old masters’, The New York Times, 16 December 2019 (accessed 28 September 2022).

18 Heywood,《童年史》,第 5 页。

18 Heywood, A History of Childhood, p. 5.

19 Stearns,《世界历史中的童年》,第 166 页。

19 Stearns, Childhood in World History, p. 166.

20同上,第 73 页。

20 Ibid., p. 73.

21大卫·哈特利(David Hartley),《关于人的本质、责任和期望的观察》,第 1 卷(伦敦:J. Johnson,1801 年),第 440 页。

21 David Hartley, Observations on Man, his Frame, his Duty, and his Expectations, Vol. 1 (London: J. Johnson, 1801), p. 440.

22参见 Stearns,《世界历史中的童年》,第 74-75 页。此外,215日益好战的民族国家也开始关注儿童,以保证有足够的士兵和工人,平息社会动乱。

22 See Stearns, Childhood in World History, pp. 74–5. In addition, 215increasingly bellicose nation-states took an interest in children in order to guarantee enough soldiers and workers and quell social unrest.

23 Ariès,《童年的几个世纪》,第 46-7 页。

23 Ariès, Centuries of Childhood, pp. 46–7.

24 Higonnet, Pictures of Innocence,第 9、23 页。除了约书亚·雷诺兹爵士(1723–1792)、托马斯·庚斯博罗(1727–1788)、托马斯·劳伦斯爵士(1769–1830)、亨利·雷伯恩爵士(1756–1823)和约翰·霍普纳(1758–1810)等英国艺术家外,为玛丽·安托瓦内特的孩子们绘制肖像的法国画家伊丽莎白·路易丝·维杰·勒布伦(1755–1842)也因能够在画中捕捉儿童的情绪状态而闻名。

24 Higonnet, Pictures of Innocence, pp. 9, 23. In addition to British artists such as Sir Joshua Reynolds (1723–1792), Thomas Gainsborough (1727–1788), Sir Thomas Lawrence (1769–1830), Sir Henry Raeburn (1756–1823) and John Hoppner (1758–1810), the French painter Elisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun (1755–1842), who painted portraits of Marie Antoinette’s children, was known for being able to capture children’s emotional states in her paintings.

25同上,第 27 页。

25 Ibid., p. 27.

26同上,第 46-47 页。蓝衣男孩的服装以黑色天鹅绒重新修订,成为弗朗西丝·霍奇森·伯内特(Frances Hodgson Burnett)1886 年作品《小公爵方特勒罗伊》(Little Lord Fauntleroy)插图的基础,并催生了 19 世纪新一代的“角色扮演”。

26 Ibid., pp. 46–7. Revisioned in black velvet, the Blue Boy’s suit became the basis for the illustrations in Frances Hodgson Burnett’s Little Lord Fauntleroy (1886) and spawned a new generation of nineteenth-century ‘cosplay’.

27同上,第 25 页。

27 Ibid., p. 25.

28同上,第 15 页。

28 Ibid., p. 15.

29 Marah Gubar,《机灵鬼:重新构想儿童文学的黄金时代》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2010 年),第 17、188 页。

29 Marah Gubar, Artful Dodgers: Reconceiving the Golden Age of Children’s Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 17, 188.

30 Heywood,《童年史》,第 43 页。

30 Heywood, A History of Childhood, p. 43.

31 Marlis Schweitzer,《消费名人:威廉·亨利·韦斯特·贝蒂大师流通中的商品和可爱》,载 Jen Boyle 和 Wan-Chuan Kao 编辑,《可爱的复古未来主义》(加利福尼亚州圣巴巴拉:Punctum Books,2017 年),第 127 页。

31 Marlis Schweitzer, ‘Consuming Celebrity: Commodities and Cuteness in the Circulation of Master William Henry West Betty’, in Jen Boyle and Wan-Chuan Kao, eds, The Retro-Futurism of Cuteness (Santa Barbara, CA: Punctum Books, 2017), p. 127.

32 Stearns,《世界历史中的童年》,第 74-6、78 页。

32 Stearns, Childhood in World History, pp. 74–6, 78.

33 Gubar,《Artful Dodgers》,第 17 页。

33 Gubar, Artful Dodgers, p. 17.

34威廉·华兹华斯,《颂歌:从童年回忆中暗示永生》。

34 William Wordsworth, ‘Ode: Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood’.

35 Higonnet,《纯真图画》,第 33 页。

35 Higonnet, Pictures of Innocence, p. 33.

36同上,第 34-5 页。

36 Ibid., pp. 34–5.

37 Sina Najafi 和 Anne Higonnet,《描绘纯真:对 Anne Higonnet 的采访》,《Cabinet Magazine》第 9 期(2002/03 年冬季),cabinetmagazine.org/ issues/ 9/najafi.php(2022 年 9 月 30 日访问)。

37 Sina Najafi and Anne Higonnet, ‘Picturing Innocence: An Interview with Anne Higonnet’, Cabinet Magazine 9 (Winter 2002/03), cabinetmagazine.org/issues/9/najafi.php (accessed 30 September 2022).

38 Chi-ming Yang,《微型文化:玩具狗与物体生活》,《十八世纪小说》 25,1(2012 年秋季),第 148-50 页。

38 Chi-ming Yang, ‘Culture in Miniature: Toy Dogs and Object Life’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction 25, 1 (Fall 2012), pp. 148–50.

39 Stephanie Howard-Smith,《小哈巴狗:216苏珊·费里尔婚姻中消费的可爱与扭曲的母性》,《十八世纪小说》 34,3(2022 年春季),第 307-31 页。

39 Stephanie Howard-Smith, ‘Little Puggies: Consuming Cuteness and 216Deforming Motherhood in Susan Ferrier’s Marriage’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction 34, 3 (Spring 2022), pp. 307–31.

40 Tom Wyman,《警惕纸杯蛋糕法西斯主义》,《卫报》(2014年4月8日)(访问日期:2022年10月28日)。另请参阅Daniel Harris,《可爱、古雅、饥饿与浪漫:消费主义美学》(纽约:Basic出版社,2000年)。

40 Tom Wyman, ‘Beware of Cupcake Fascism’, Guardian (8 April 2014), (accessed 28 October 2022). See also Daniel Harris, Cute, Quaint, Hungry, and Romantic: The Aesthetics of Consumerism (New York: Basic, 2000).

41 Eric Fretz,《PT Barnum 的戏剧自我与十九世纪的展览文化》,载 Rosemarie Garland Thomson 编,《怪胎:非凡身体的文化奇观》(纽约:纽约大学出版社,1996 年),第 97 页。

41 Eric Fretz, ‘P. T. Barnum’s Theatrical Selfhood and the Nineteenth-Century Culture of Exhibition’, in Rosemarie Garland Thomson, ed., Freakery: Cultural Spectacles of the Extraordinary Body (New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 97.

42 E. Oakes Smith,《巴纳姆婴儿秀——一场抗议》,《纽约先驱报》(1855 年 5 月 12 日),失落的博物馆档案lostmuseum.cuny.edu/ archive/barnums-baby-showa-protest-new-york -herald。

42 E. Oakes Smith, ‘Barnum’s Baby Show – A Protest’, New York Herald (12 May 1855), The Lost Museum Archive, lostmuseum.cuny.edu/archive/barnums-baby-showa-protest-new-york-herald.

43 “婴儿秀展览”,失落的博物馆档案馆lostmuseum.cuny.edu /archive/exhibit/baby/(2022 年 9 月 30 日访问)。

43 ‘The Baby Show Exhibit’, Lost Museum Archive, lostmuseum.cuny.edu/archive/exhibit/baby/ (accessed 30 September 2022).

44《婴儿秀——盛大的婴儿展示》,《纽约时报》(1855 年 6 月 6 日)。

44 ‘The Baby Show – Grand Infantile Display’, New York Times (6 June 1855).

45 Lori Merish,《可爱与商品美学:拇指汤姆和秀兰·邓波儿》,载Rosemarie Garland Thomson编,《怪胎:非凡身体的文化奇观》(纽约:纽约大学出版社,1996年),第 193 页。

45 Lori Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics: Tom Thumb and Shirley Temple’, in Rosemarie Garland Thomson, ed., Freakery: Cultural Spectacles of the Extraordinary Body (New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 193.

46苏珊·J·皮尔森,《“婴儿标本”:十九世纪美国的婴儿展》,《社会史杂志》(2008年冬季刊),第354-355页。巴纳姆力求将婴儿展提升到超越单纯的观赏性的高度,他以科学探究的精神呈现婴儿展,采访参赛者关于卫生、饮食和运动的问题,并记录他们的回答。

46 Susan J. Pearson, ‘“Infantile Specimens”: Showing Babies in Nineteenth-century America’, Journal of Social History (Winter 2008), pp. 354–5. Barnum sought to elevate the baby shows beyond mere spectacle by presenting them in a spirit of scientific enquiry, interviewing contestants about hygiene, diet and exercise and recording the answers.

47同上,第 341、343 页。

47 Ibid., pp. 341, 343.

48同上,第 341 页。

48 Ibid., p. 341.

49同上,第 358 页。

49 Ibid., p. 358.

50 Angela Sorby,《从婴儿到婴儿:西格妮和可爱的起源》,载于 Mary Louise Kete 和 Elizabeth Petrino 编,《莉迪亚·西格妮:评论文章和文化视角》(阿默斯特:马萨诸塞大学出版社,2018 年),第 136 页。

50 Angela Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby: Sigourney and the Origins of Cuteness’, in Mary Louise Kete and Elizabeth Petrino, eds, Lydia Sigourney: Critical Essays and Cultural View (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2018), p. 136.

51 ‘婴儿秀:盛大的婴儿展示’。

51 ‘The Baby Show: Grand Infantile Display’.

52 PT Barnum,《奋斗与胜利:或 PT Barnum 的四十年回忆录》(纽约州布法罗:沃伦约翰逊公司,1872 年),第 159 页。217

52 P. T. Barnum, Struggles and Triumphs: or, Forty Years’ Recollections of P. T. Barnum (Buffalo, NY: Warren, Johnson & Co., 1872), p. 159. 217

53《婴儿秀——精彩的果酱和热闹的时光》,《纽约时报》(1855 年 6 月 7 日)。

53 ‘The Baby Show – Prodigious Jam and a Hot Time’, New York Times (7 June 1855).

54 “婴儿秀:盛大的婴儿展示”。

54 ‘The Baby Show: Grand Infantile Display’.

55 Steven Mintz,《哈克的木筏:美国童​​年史》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2004 年),第 153 页。

55 Steven Mintz, Huck’s Raft: A History of American Childhood (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), p. 153.

56 Viviana A. Zelizer,《无价孩子的定价:儿童社会价值的变化》(新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,1994 年),第 3、11 页。

56 Viviana A. Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 3, 11.

57 Gary Cross,《可爱与酷:奇妙的纯真和现代美国儿童文化》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2004 年),第 20 页。

57 Gary Cross, The Cute and the Cool: Wondrous Innocence and Modern American Children’s Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 20.

58 Kete 和 Petrino,编辑,Lydia Sigourney,第 1-2 页。

58 Kete and Petrino, eds, Lydia Sigourney, pp. 1–2.

59 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿》,第 122 页。

59 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, p. 122.

60 Lydia Sigourney,《生命书信》(纽约:Appleton,1966 年),第 27 页。

60 Lydia Sigourney, Letters of Life (New York: Appleton, 1966), p. 27.

61同上,第 31 页。

61 Ibid., p. 31.

62同上,第 125 页。

62 Ibid., p. 125.

63 Sarah Hepola,《互联网是由小猫组成的》,Salon,2009 年 2 月 10 日,www.salon.com/ 2009 /02/10/cat_internet/(2022 年 10 月 13 日访问)。

63 Sarah Hepola, ‘The Internet is made of kittens’, Salon, 10 February 2009, www.salon.com/2009/02/10/cat_internet/ (accessed 13 October 2022).

64西格妮,《生命书信》,第 167 页。

64 Sigourney, Letters of Life, p. 167.

65同上,第 42 页。

65 Ibid., p. 42.

66安吉拉·索比(Angela Sorby)写道:“福音派基督教女性在美国流行文化中扮演的角色比同期的英国文化中更大,她们非常重视儿童和母亲的道德品质。” 索比,《婴儿对婴儿》,第135页。

66 As Angela Sorby writes: ‘Evangelical Christian women, who played a larger role in American popular culture than in British culture of the same period, were deeply invested in the moral seriousness of children and mothers.’ Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, p. 135.

67 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 46-7 页。

67 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, pp. 46–7.

68 Ariès,《童年的几个世纪》,第 130 页。

68 Ariès, Centuries of Childhood, p. 130.

69同上。

69 Ibid.

70同上,第 131-132 页。

70 Ibid., pp. 131–2.

71 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿》,第 135 页。

71 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, p. 135.

72 Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第 188 页。

72 Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics’, p. 188.

73 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿》,第 129、133、135 页。

73 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, pp. 129, 133, 135.

74同上,第 134 页。

74 Ibid., p. 134.

75 Chi-ming Yang,《微缩文化:玩具狗与物体生活》,第 149-150 页。218

75 Chi-ming Yang, ‘Culture in Miniature: Toy Dogs and Object Life’, pp. 149–50. 218

追溯西方文化中20世纪之前的“可爱”历史,如同漫步沙漠;除了一两片绿洲,别无他物。然而,日本却不同。“可爱”或许并非在日本艺术史上盛行,但它始终存在。如今,“可爱”如此流行,博物馆展览这类作品也屡见不鲜。

Tracing the pre-twentieth-century history of cuteness in Western culture is like wandering in a desert; except for an oasis or two, there’s not much to see. Japan, however, is different. Cuteness may not have flourished throughout Japanese art history, but it was always there. And since kawaii is so popular today, museum exhibitions that display these works are common.

几年前,我参观东京一家博物馆的“可爱江户画展”时,期待看到一些可爱的东西,但其中一件作品却让我大吃一惊。展览展出了近200件日本江户时代(1603年至1868年)的作品,墙上装饰着各种可爱的图案和主题,令人惊叹。小狗在雪地里嬉戏,身着和服的猫咪演奏着乐器。甚至连和尚和身着铠甲的76武士都被“可爱化”了。然而,真正吸引我眼球的是玻璃柜里展示的一把小折扇。

When I visited the Kawaii Edo Paintings exhibition at a Tokyo museum several years ago I was expecting to see cute things, but one of them in particular really blew me away. The exhibition displayed almost 200 works from Japan’s Edo era, which ran from 1603 to 1868, and there was an astonishing variety of cute motifs and themes adorning the walls. Puppies cavorted in the snow, and cats dressed in kimonos played musical instruments. Even Buddhist priests and armoured 76samurai were ‘cutified’. However, it was a small folding fan displayed in a glass case that caught my eye.

图 4.1:长泽萝西的《扇子上的小狗》。

Fig. 4.1: Puppy on a fan by Nagasawa Rosetsu.

十八世纪末,长泽芦津(1754-1799)在扇面上绘制了这只小狗。其简洁的画风令人着迷,但背后却蕴含着丰富的技巧。小狗裸露的腹部和松散的四肢姿势,更突显了它温顺的气质。黑白相间的勾勒(“略描”)技巧早在几个世纪前的《百兽图》中就已出现,它通过将头部置于身体前方,将视线聚焦于动物个性鲜明的面部,从而营造出透视效果。芦津放弃了写实的身体比例,转而采用圆润的线条,以捕捉小狗渴望玩耍的心情。这些技巧后来成为漫画的基础,使艺术家能够简化绘画,从而向观者传达特定的感受。1

Nagasawa Rosetsu (1754–1799) painted the puppy on the fan in the late eighteenth century. Its simplicity is captivating, but there’s a lot of technique behind it. The dog’s exposed belly and loose-limbed pose emphasise its tameness. The black-and-grey outlining (ryakugashiki), a technique that had appeared in the Scroll of Frolicking Animals centuries earlier, creates perspective by placing the head in front of the body and focusing attention on the animal’s characterful face. Rosetsu abandons realistic body proportions in favour of rounded lines to capture the feeling of a puppy eager to play. These techniques, which later became the foundation of manga, enabled artists to simplify drawings in a way that communicates a specific feeling to the viewer.1

展览表明,这一时期的艺术大师们在作品中融入萌系元素颇为常见——这与当时萌系77艺术才刚刚兴起的欧洲形成了鲜明对比。这种差异是如何造成的?正如我们已经看到的,宗教似乎是一个因素。另一个因素或许更为根本。与饱受战火摧残的欧洲不同,日本当时基本处于和平时期。

The exhibition demonstrated that it was common for masters of the art world in this period to include cute subjects in their work – in stark contrast to Europe, where cuteness in 77the fine arts was only just beginning to emerge. What accounts for this disparity? As we have already seen, religion seems to be one factor. Another may be even more elemental. Unlike war-riven Europe, Japan was largely at peace.

我觉得,饱受战乱的国家没有时间和精力去享受可爱无害的事物,这合情合理。事实上,日本在平安时代享受了近四个世纪的和平,正是在那段时期,《枕草子》和《百兽图》问世了。尽管之后日本又经历了一段动荡时期,但江户时代又带来了一个漫长的无战时代;随着和平的到来,人们对各种形式的玩乐的热情再次高涨。

It makes sense to me that countries convulsed by war wouldn’t have the time or energy to indulge in a taste for cute, harmless things. In fact Japan had enjoyed almost four centuries of peace during the Heian era that produced The Pillow Book and the Scroll of Frolicking Animals. Although the country subsequently entered a period of turbulence, the Edo era brought another long age without war; with the arrival of peace, the penchant for play in all its forms arose again.

江户时代以闭关锁国的外交政策(sakoku)而闻名,该政策限制了日本与外界的联系。人们通常认为,当时的日本文化没有受到外来文化的影响,但事实却更令人关注。尽管只有少量西方知识流入日本,但它对艺术,尤其是卡哇伊美学的发展产生了深远的影响。如果没有一位日本艺术界巨匠的影响,扇面上的小狗图案永远不会被画出来,他的作品至今仍广受喜爱。他的名字是丸山应京(1733-1795),他是一位将新旧艺术融合的天才。

The Edo era is well known for an isolationist foreign policy (sakoku) that restricted contact with the outside world. It’s often thought that Japanese culture was free from foreign influence during this time, but the reality is more interesting. Although only a trickle of Western knowledge entered Japan, it had a profound influence on the arts in general and on the development of the kawaii aesthetic in particular. The puppy on the fan would never have been painted without the influence of a giant in the Japanese art world whose works are still beloved. His name is Maruyama Ōkyo (1733–1795) and he was a genius at blending the old with the new.

十八世纪中叶,少年时代就读于京都的一家玩具店。店里最受欢迎的商品是一些图画,这些图画放在一种名为“荷兰镜”的凸透镜前,会呈现出三维效果。为了绘制这些特殊的图画,他学习了欧洲的线性透视法,并将其扭曲成“透视图”,从而创造出3D效果。78

In the middle of the eighteenth century the teenage Ōkyo began working in a Kyoto toyshop. The shop’s most popular products were pictures that looked three-dimensional when placed in front of a convex magnifying lens called a ‘Holland glass’.2 In order to paint these special pictures, Ōkyo had to learn European linear perspective and then distort it into the ‘perspective view’ that created the 3D effect. 78

图 4.2:丸山Ōkyo 创作的《小狗》。

Fig. 4.2: Puppies by Maruyama Ōkyo.

大京对数学和艺术的兴趣促使他在接受艺术培训的同时,研习了医学、解剖学和植物学。3对流传到日本的欧洲艺术品的研究,使他将西方的透视79和阴影技巧与他对自然的兴趣相结合。4成为了一种名为“写生”的新型日本写实绘画的先驱,这种绘画基于写生。大京是当时著名的艺术家,如今被认为是日本绘画史上的大师之一。

Ōkyo’s interest in mathematics and art led him to study medicine, anatomy and botany while he trained as an artist.3 His study of European artworks that had made their way to Japan led him to combine Western techniques of perspective 79and shading with his interest in nature.4 He became a pioneer of a new form of realistic Japanese painting called shasei, based on sketching from life. A famous artist in his day, Ōkyo is now considered one of the all-time masters of Japanese painting.

正如我们已经看到的,托马斯·庚斯博罗和约书亚·雷诺兹等欧洲艺术家在十八世纪通过描绘儿童的真实面貌,彻底革新了儿童肖像画。他们的同代日本画家大京将这种现实主义推向了新的方向,进一步增强了画中人物的可爱感。然而,他选择的不是儿童,而是小狗。

As we have already seen, European artists such as Thomas Gainsborough and Joshua Reynolds revolutionised child portraiture in the eighteenth century by depicting children as they really looked. Ōkyo, their Japanese contemporary, took this realism in a new direction that enhanced the cuteness of his subjects even further. However, rather than children, he chose to paint puppies.

由于无法让扭来扭去的小狗摆出姿势,Ōkyo 便观察它们玩耍的姿态,并凭着记忆作画。除了知识和才华之外,他还运用了日本传统的“减法”技法来展现动物的本质。他大胆的光影运用简洁明了,如同粗糙的照片一般。这种图形渲染营造出一种近乎不可思议的自然感。

Since it is impossible to convince wriggling puppies to pose, Ōkyo observed them at play and painted from memory. Along with his knowledge and talent, he used the traditional Japanese technique of reduction to represent the essence of the animals. His bold lights and darks appear simple, like a coarse-grained photograph. This graphic rendering produces an almost uncanny sense of naturalness.

Ōkyo 的小狗们喜欢在狭长卷轴的底部嬉闹。在构图中留出大片空白是日本的传统技法,在 Ōkyo 的手中,这种技法更凸显了小狗们的娇小身躯。他运用写实手法,捕捉了 Lorenz 的“儿童图式”——圆圆的身体、短短的腿和宽阔的脸庞——但可爱之美在它们的互动中更加凸显。小狗们快乐地一起探索着它们的新世界,嬉戏玩闹的友谊之情溢于言表。

Ōkyo’s puppies tend to cavort at the bottom of long, narrow scrolls. The propensity for leaving large areas of empty space in a composition is a traditional Japanese technique that, in Ōkyo’s hands, emphasises the smallness of the puppies. He employs realism to capture the characteristics of Lorenz’s ‘child schema’ – round bodies, short legs and wide faces – but the cuteness really shines through in their interactions. The puppies joyfully explore their new world together, the essence of playful friendship pouring from them.

当时保守的画派批评大京的新技法过于注重外貌。他被指责为题材的奴隶,而文人则认为他的画作缺乏尊严。然而,他的作品在普通民众中却广受欢迎,他们喜欢作品中可爱的元素。5大京的后期画作中,他开始更多地使用轮廓线。幼崽的毛发被简化80为一条单一的线条,这反而让它们看起来更加真实。6

Ōkyo’s new techniques were criticised by the conservative painting schools of his time for being too concerned with physical appearance. He was accused of being a slave to his subject matter, while the literati decreed that his paintings lacked dignity. However, his work was hugely popular among lay people, who loved its cuteness.5 In Ōkyo’s later paintings he began to use more outlining. The pups’ fur was reduced 80to a single bodyline, which paradoxically made them seem even more real.6

图 4.3:Ōkyo 的小狗的特写

Fig. 4.3: Close-up of Ōkyo’s puppies

虽然像庚斯博罗和雷诺兹这样的艺术家有时会在他们的儿童肖像画中加入小狗,但大京的小狗看起来更具现代感。他将自己的技法与《枕草子》和《百兽图》中体现的简化和减法等日本传统美学手法相结合,从而实现了我们如今所说的人物刻画。近距离观察,这些十八世纪的小狗仿佛是现代儿童读物或电影中的人物;他的学生长泽濑越在绘制扇子上的小狗时就运用了这些技法。

While artists like Gainsborough and Reynolds sometimes included puppies in their child portraits, Ōkyo’s pups look more modern. He combined his technique with the traditional Japanese aesthetic practices of simplification and reduction that appeared in The Pillow Book and the Scroll of Frolicking Animals to achieve what we now call characterisation. Seen close up, these eighteenth-century puppies might be characters from a modern-day children’s book or film; his student Nagasawa Rosetsu employed these techniques when he painted the puppy on the fan.

大京和他的学生们生活在日本艺术蓬勃发展的时代。江户(现称东京)拥有世界上最多的前现代城市人口,81人口超过一百万。当时大多数人生活拮据,但他们愿意攒钱去看一天的相扑比赛、晚上的歌舞伎表演,或者参加热闹的寺庙朝圣之旅。7虽然绘画价格昂贵,但廉价的木版画(浮世绘)却变得可以承受。浮世绘的主题从微妙讽刺到滑稽戏剧,应有尽有,但可爱的主题非常受欢迎——其中有一位艺术家尤其以猫科动物题材而闻名。

Ōkyo and his students lived in a time when the arts were booming in Japan. The city of Edo – now called Tokyo – boasted the largest pre-modern urban population in the world, 81with over one million inhabitants. Most people in this period had little money, but they were willing to save up for a day watching sumo wrestling, an evening’s kabuki performance or a raucous group pilgrimage to a temple.7 While paintings were expensive, cheap woodblock prints (ukiyo-e) became affordable. Their subjects ranged from subtle and satirical to funny and dramatic, but cute themes were quite popular – and one artist in particular was famous for his feline subjects.

歌川国芳 (1798–1861) 是一位著名的木版画画家,他非常喜爱猫。他经常把一只猫塞进和服袖子里在工作室里走来走去,并经常以猫作为他艺术创作的主题。有时,它们只是懒洋洋地躺在那里,而穿着优雅和服的女子则与它们玩耍;在其他版画中,歌舞伎演员被描绘成猫脸。还有一些画作中,猫的身体伸展开来,拼出猫科动物最喜欢的食物的单词,比如鳗鱼 ( unagi ) 和章鱼 ( tako ),每只猫的脸都展现了它的性格。另一幅名为《春月,发情的猫》的版画描绘了江户繁华的吉原风俗区,一群猫充当顾客、艺伎和妓女。

Utagawa Kuniyoshi (1798–1861) was a renowned woodblock printmaker who loved cats. He would often walk around his studio with one tucked into the sleeve of his kimono, and he frequently made them the subject of his art. Sometimes they simply loll as women in elegant kimonos play with them; in other prints, kabuki actors are depicted with cat faces. In yet others, cat bodies stretch to spell out words for favourite feline treats, such as eel (unagi) and octopus (tako), with the face of each cat revealing its character. Another print, evocatively titled Spring Moon, Cats in Heat, depicts the bustling Yoshiwara pleasure quarter in Edo, with a cast of cats as customers, geisha and courtesans.

尽管西方文化对猫抱有某种矛盾的心态,这种心态源于基督教传统中猫与巫术和撒旦的联系,但到了19世纪末,拟人化的猫也出现在西方艺术作品中。然而,它们远不及歌川国芳的作品——这位版画大师与这些动物的深厚渊源,使他能够想象它们在各种可以想象的情境中;对于爱猫人士来说,他的版画有着一种令人无法抗拒的可爱。8

Although Western culture contains a certain ambivalence about cats that stems from their association with witchcraft and Satan in the Christian tradition, by the end of the nineteenth century anthropomorphised cats were also showing up in Western artworks. They were no match for Kuniyoshi’s, however – the master printmaker’s deep connection with the animals led him to imagine them in every conceivable situation; for fellow cat-lovers, his prints have an irresistible cuteness.8

虽然歌川国芳的创作灵感源自《百兽图》,但他的私人藏书也收藏了西方艺术作品,并且像丸山应京一样,他对西方艺术技巧进行了深入研究。他的一些版画作品融合了透视法和消失点,并以不同的角度和姿势描绘人物。9 82

While Kuniyoshi was inspired by the Scroll of Frolicking Animals, his personal library included Western artwork and, like Maruyama Ōkyo, he made a careful study of Western art techniques. Some of his prints incorporate perspective with a vanishing point and depict figures from different angles and poses.9 82

虽然“卡哇伊”根植于日本传统美学,但它却融合了欧洲技法,并融入了像大京和国芳这样热爱动物的艺术家的情感。即使是日本的艺术大师也乐于接受新的影响,这一事实在下一个历史时期对整个国家大有裨益,因为当时世界上许多地方都对日本的一切着迷。

Although kawaii has roots in traditional Japanese aesthetics, it developed using European techniques filtered through the sensibilities of animal-loving artists like Ōkyo and Kuniyoshi. The fact that even master artists in Japan were open to new influences would serve the entire country well in the next era of its history, when much of the world became obsessed with all things Japanese.

日本主义

Japonisme, the cult of Japan

日本文化长期以来一直对细微事物情有独钟,同时也珍视简约,欣赏转瞬即逝的事物。这一切的背后,是对趣味和玩味的深切热爱。许多文化都拥有同样的偏好,但在日本,这些文化以一种独特的方式融合在一起,使得可爱元素比其他地方更早地在艺术领域涌现。此外,日本的可爱元素在几个漫长的和平时期蓬勃发展,当时正是创造力旺盛的时期,新的艺术类型和新的技法被不断创造和探索。在江户时代,西方知识的缓慢渗透带来了新颖的艺术技巧。而随着十九世纪末期,日本的“卡哇伊”开始影响北美可爱元素的发展。

Japanese culture has long shown an affinity for small things, while also valuing simplicity and appreciating the transient. Underneath all this is a deep love of the amusing and playful. Many cultures share these preferences, but in Japan they came together in a way that enabled cuteness to emerge in the arts earlier than elsewhere. In addition, Japanese cuteness flourished during a few long periods of peace, times of fervent creativity in which new genres were created and new techniques explored. In the Edo era, the slow drip of Western knowledge led to novel artistic techniques. And as the nineteenth century ended, Japanese kawaii began to influence the development of cuteness in North America.

1853年,美国海军驶入东京附近的港口,要求日本政府做出贸易让步,迫使日本政府不得不开放边境。日本是一个自然资源匮乏的工业化前国家,依赖艺术家和工匠生产商品出口,而他们的努力也取得了显著的成功。欧洲人对日本艺术品和装饰品的狂热始于19世纪60年代,并持续了整个19世纪。

In 1853 the US Navy steamed into the harbour near Tokyo to demand trade concessions from the Japanese government, leaving them no choice but to open the country’s borders. A pre-industrialised nation with few natural resources, Japan was reliant on artists and artisans producing goods for export, and their efforts proved remarkably successful. The European craze for Japanese artworks and decorative objects began in the 1860s and lasted for the rest of the nineteenth century.

日本主义,即“日本崇拜”,始于莫奈、德加、梵高、惠斯勒、蒂索和克里姆特等波西米亚艺术家,他们最初对木版画产生了狂热,后来转向屏风、卷轴和和服。莫奈的家中摆满了日本83版画和绘画。1876年,他画了一幅身穿和服、手持扇子的妻子,他后来的《睡莲》系列画作也直接受到日本版画的启发。梵高于1888年创作了一幅身着和尚的自画像。1869年,詹姆斯·蒂索创作了三幅年轻女子欣赏他收藏的日本物品的画作,其中包括和服和娃娃。10

Japonisme, the ‘cult of Japan’, began with bohemian artists like Monet, Degas, Van Gogh, Whistler, Tissot and Klimt, who started a craze for woodblock prints before moving on to screens, scrolls and kimonos. Monet’s house is full of Japanese 83prints and paintings. In 1876 he painted his wife wearing a kimono and holding a fan, and his later Water Lilies paintings were directly inspired by Japanese prints. Van Gogh painted a self-portrait dressed as a Buddhist priest in 1888. In 1869 James Tissot did three paintings of young women admiring Japanese objects from his own collection, including kimonos and dolls.10

随着时间的推移,几乎所有欧美艺术家都为日本的审美观所折服。像歌山国芳这样的艺术家的木版画缺乏深度,也缺乏对表面细节的关注,而像大京这样的艺术家则崇尚自然主义,这使得他们能够将自然描绘得充满光影、动感、情感和色彩。这对西方艺术家来说是一个启示,他们发现木版画和绘画中展现的活力和趣味,是摆脱当时传统僵硬的肖像画和风景画的解放力量。11

In time, practically all European and American artists were wowed by the Japanese sense of aesthetics. The lack of depth and attention to surface detail found in the woodblock prints of artists like Kuniyoshi, along with the naturalism of artists like Ōkyo, helped to portray nature as full of light, motion, feeling and colour. This was a revelation to Western artists, who found the energy and playfulness displayed in woodblock prints and paintings a force of liberation from the conventional, stiff portraits and landscapes of the day.11

日本开始在十九世纪末风靡一时的国际博览会(后来被称为世界博览会)上推销出口产品。这些博览会不仅展示了新技术和创新,还展现了世界各国的文化和艺术。1878年世界博览会结束后,一位评论家写道,对日本艺术和设计的热情如同熊熊燃烧的火药般席卷了巴黎,因为它“想象力独创、充满乐趣、充满惊喜,并且气质优美”。12拉夫卡迪奥·赫恩(Lafcadio Hearn)撰写了十几本关于日本的畅销书,他将整个日本描述为精致的。他写道,在日本,“奇珍异宝和精美物品琳琅满目,令人眼花缭乱。” 13 84

Japan began promoting products for export at the international exhibitions, later called world’s fairs, that were all the rage in the late nineteenth century. These displayed new technologies and innovations, along with the culture and art of countries around the world. After the 1878 Universal Exhibition one reviewer wrote that enthusiasm for Japanese art and design had swept through Paris like flaming gunpowder, due to its ‘imagination that is ingenious, playful, rich in surprises and of a beautiful temper’.12 Lafcadio Hearn, who wrote a dozen popular books on Japan, described the whole country as exquisite. In Japan, he wrote, ‘curiosities and dainty objects bewilder you by their very multitude.’13 84

图 4.4:松木文雄的《日本艺术家材料目录》的封面。

Fig. 4.4: The cover of Bunkio Matsuki’s Catalogue of Japanese Artists’ Materials.

虽然对日本的崇拜始于艺术家和知识分子,但展览、歌剧和书籍却将日本所有事物的迷恋传播到了欧美日益壮大的中产阶级。折扇、瓷器和人偶非常适合当时新兴的消费文化,因为在这种文化中,女性在室内装饰方面拥有更多的自主权。14展览会上展出的商品也出售,随着日本生产出越来越多不同价位的商品,许多城市很快开设了专门经营日本艺术品的商店。虽然在欣喜若狂85的西方人心目中,日本逐渐被视为一个充满乐趣、充满异国情调的仙境,但日本人却毫不犹豫地利用这一形象来追求经济繁荣。15

Although the cult of Japan began with artists and intellectuals, exhibitions, operas and books helped to spread the fascination with all things Japanese to the growing middle classes in Europe and America. Folding fans, porcelain and dolls were perfect for the new consumer culture in which women were making more decisions about interior decoration.14 Goods displayed at the exhibitions were also on sale, and shops dedicated to Japanese art soon opened in many cities as the country produced more and more objects at varying price points. While Japan came to be viewed as a playful, exotic wonderland in the 85minds of delighted Westerners, the Japanese didn’t hesitate to use this image in their pursuit of economic prosperity.15

图 4.5:松木文雄波士顿店的白兔标志。

Fig. 4.5: The white rabbit logo of Bunkio Matsuki’s Boston shop.

1895 年,一位名叫松木文雄的日本商人在波士顿开了一家名为“白兔”的商店,店内销售超过 20,000 件进口艺术品和家居用品。16 1904年的一本产品目录中有一幅插图,画的是一位日本男子在画中活灵活现地从纸上跳下来的兔子,其风格让人想起十二世纪的《嬉戏动物卷轴》

In 1895 a Japanese merchant named Bunkio Matsuki opened a shop in Boston called the White Rabbit, which stocked more than 20,000 imported artworks and household items.16 A catalogue from 1904 features an illustration of a Japanese man drawing rabbits that come to life and hop off the page, in a style that recalls the twelfth-century Scroll of Frolicking Animals.

我喜欢顶部那个笑脸兔子标志的标志性简洁风格,这个标志可以追溯到 1899 年,出现在所有与 Matsuki 商店相关的印刷材料上。17

I love the iconic simplicity of the smiling rabbit logo at the top, which dates from 1899 and appeared on all printed materials related to Matsuki’s shop.17

1904 年的产品目录包括艺术家所需的材料,例如画笔、墨水、模板和设计书籍,这些材料使他的顾客(其中大多数是中产阶级女性)能够制作自己的日式设计。18就这样,像兔子标志这样的可爱图像作为艺术灵感进入了美国家庭。

The 1904 catalogue includes artists’ materials such as brushes, ink, stencils and design books that enabled his customers, most of whom were middle-class women, to make their own Japanese-style designs.18 In this way, cute images like the rabbit logo made their way into American homes as an artistic inspiration.

然而,当对日本一切事物的狂热渗透到西方消费文化中时,日本人开始被定型,被视为仅仅是其艺术感受力的延伸。皮埃尔·洛蒂 1887 年的回忆录《菊女夫人》 ——普契尼歌剧《蝴蝶夫人》的灵感来源——用五彩缤纷的小词句来指代日本人86。故事讲述了作者与长崎一位 18 岁女孩的“临时婚姻”,他付钱给女孩的家人,以便可以在他逗留期间与她同住。当洛蒂在雇佣的同伴的陪同下游览长崎时,他反复将女孩和她的朋友描述为“日本小娃娃”和“跳舞的小狗”。这个国家到处都是微笑的“小男人和小女人”,他们看起来“像小猴子,像小瓷器饰品”。事实上,“ petit”这个词在这部短篇作品中出现了 357 次。这种居高临下的种族主义在当时并不罕见,《菊夫人》也因此获得了巨大的成功。出版仅仅五年后,洛蒂的回忆录就被翻译成多种语言,出版了25个版本。19

However, when the fad for all things Japanese infiltrated Western consumer culture, Japanese people came to be stereotyped as mere extensions of their artistic sensibility. Pierre Loti’s 1887 memoir Madame Chrysanthème, the inspiration for Puccini’s opera Madame Butterfly, refers to Japanese people with a 86confetti shower of diminutives. The story relates the author’s ‘temporary marriage’ to an eighteen-year-old girl in Nagasaki, which he arranged by paying her family so that he could live with her for the duration of his stay. As he samples the sights of Nagasaki accompanied by his paid companion, Loti repeatedly describes the girl and her friends as ‘little Nipponese dolls’ and ‘little dancing dogs’. The country is full of smiling ‘little men and little women’ who look ‘like little monkeys, like little china ornaments’. In fact the word petit appears 357 times in this short work. Such condescending racism was not unusual at the time, and Madame Chrysanthème became a runaway success. Just five years after its publication, twenty-five editions of Loti’s memoir had appeared in several languages.19

普契尼的《蝴蝶夫人》以及吉尔伯特和沙利文的《天皇》的流行引发了 20 世纪初日本题材戏剧制作的繁荣。日本角色几乎总是由化着“亚洲”妆的白人演员扮演。女演员布兰奇·贝茨依靠她的日本女仆苏琪学习如何像日本女人一样走路、坐下和扇风——这些行为被演员称为“艺伎的卖弄风情”。20日本女性的刻板印象多种多样,包括坚忍和顺从,但也有纯朴、甜美和“纯真的性欲”等品质。21正如我们稍后会看到的,纯真的调情尤其具有广泛的吸引力,成为从洋娃娃到像秀兰·邓波儿这样的儿童演员等一切事物中少女可爱的缩影。

The popularity of Puccini’s Madame Butterfly, along with Gilbert and Sullivan’s The Mikado, sparked a boom in Japan-themed theatrical productions in the early twentieth century. The Japanese characters were almost always played by white actors in ‘Asian’ make-up. The actress Blanche Bates relied on her Japanese maid, Suki, for instruction on how to walk, sit and fan herself like a Japanese woman – behaviours that the actor referred to as ‘Geisha coquetry’.20 Stereotypes of Japanese women were varied and included stoicism and subservience, but also qualities such as simplicity, sweetness and ‘innocent sexuality’.21 As we’ll see later, the idea of innocent flirtation in particular took on a wide appeal and became the epitome of girlish cuteness for everything from dolls to child actors like Shirley Temple.

当时的记者注意到,美国年轻女性喜欢看到这样的角色在舞台上表演,尽管她们认为自己与男性不同,聪明、自信、足智多谋。22白人女性发现,通过体现日本女性的普遍幻想,探索不同形式的女性气质是一种解放,穿上日本和服、化妆让自己看起来像“日本人”成为一种全国性的87时尚。23日本为主题的大学和业余戏剧表演很受欢迎,参加化妆舞会和拍照时也穿着这种风格的服装。24

Journalists of the period noted that young American women enjoyed seeing such roles performed onstage even though they saw themselves differently, as intelligent, self-assertive and resourceful.22 White women found it liberating to explore different forms of femininity by embodying the popular fantasy of the Japanese woman, and dressing up in Japanese kimonos and putting on make-up to look ‘Japanese’ became a nationwide 87fad.23 University and amateur theatrical performances with a Japanese theme were popular, as was dressing up in the style for costume parties and photo sessions.24

布兰奇·贝茨说,她扮演的日本角色就像“一个不成熟的童女的娇小身影”。25这种认为日本人娇小可爱的刻板印象广为流传。日裔美国作家凯瑟琳·玉川在1893年写道,她对被描述为“可爱的小日本人”或“日本娃娃”感到恼火。26回忆说,那些认为她可爱的人会把她介绍为“小日本女士”,尽管她比实际身高矮得多。“我觉得出于礼貌,我应该缩小一点,”她写道。27

Blanche Bates said that she played her Japanese roles as ‘the tiny figure of an immature child-woman’.25 This stereotype of Japanese people as small and adorable was widespread. The Japanese American writer Kathleen Tamagawa wrote in 1893 about her irritation at being characterised as a ‘cute little Japanese’ or a ‘Japanese doll’.26 She recalled that people who thought of her as cute would introduce her as the ‘little Japanese lady’ despite being considerably shorter than she was. ‘I felt that out of sheer politeness I should shrink,’ she wrote.27

19世纪末20世纪初,“可爱”与人们对亚洲人的态度之间的联系远非正面。另一位“可爱研究”学者埃里卡·金坂(Erica Kanesaka)本人也是日裔美国人,她从个人经历中深知“可爱”如何成为一种刻板印象。她指出,20世纪初,从洋娃娃到和服等日本进口商品的流行,使得美国人能够按照自己的方式将充满异域风情的东方“他者”带入家庭生活。然而,当时真正的日本儿童和女性被称为“可爱”,是在一种席卷美国的新种族主义意识形态的背景下发生的:“黄祸” 。28

The connections between cuteness and attitudes towards Asian people in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are far from positive. Erica Kanesaka, another Cute Studies scholar, is Japanese American herself and knows, from personal experience, how cuteness can become a stereotype. She points out that in the early twentieth century the popularity of Japanese imports, from dolls to kimonos, enabled Americans to bring the exotic Oriental other into the domestic sphere on their own terms. However, when real Japanese children and women were called cute at that time, it was in the context of a new racist ideology that was sweeping the US: the ‘yellow peril’.28

起初,只有成年男性从亚洲来到美国工作。随着女性开始涌入,媒体开始煽动人们担忧“未被同化的”亚洲移民会推翻白人至上主义的统治。埃里卡发现了一张1920年《旧金山观察家报》上的照片,这张照片完美地概括了这种偏执。照片中,两名国会议员抱着一个亚裔小孩,配文写道:“可爱,但有点黄”。下方,这个孩子被认为是“加州对东方洪灾恐惧的主要原因之一” 。29

At first, only adult men came from Asia to work in the US. When women began to arrive, the press began to fan fears that ‘unassimilated’ Asian immigrants would overcome the rule of white supremacy. Erica discovered a 1920 photograph from the San Francisco Examiner that neatly encapsulates this paranoia. It shows two Congressmen with a small Asian child, and the caption reads: ‘Cute, but Yellow’. Below, the child is identified as ‘one of the chief causes for California’s fear of the Oriental flood’.29

埃里卡的研究让我意识到,“黄祸论”的信奉者们意识到,日本88儿童和女性的可爱能够激发同情心。然而,由于美国白人拒绝亚洲移民融入美国社会,他们对这种可爱持怀疑态度。从这种种族主义的角度来看,日本被广泛视为儿童天堂,这颇具讽刺意味。1863年,首任英国驻日公使卢瑟福·阿尔科克爵士在回忆录中首次这样称呼日本。后来,前往日本的游客也纷纷效仿,这种看法很快便被广泛接受。游客们发现,日本人不会在公共场合体罚行为不端的孩子,而这在他们家中却很常见。他们看到日本女孩背着弟弟妹妹四处走动,这种可爱的形象也成为了纪念明信片的热门主题。30

Erica’s research helped me to see that believers of the ‘yellow peril’ ideology recognised that the cuteness of Japanese 88children and women creates empathy. However, because white Americans refused to allow Asian immigrants to become part of American society, they treated this cuteness with suspicion. Seen in the light of this racism, it is ironic that Japan was widely regarded as a paradise for children. It was first called this in 1863 in a memoir by Sir Rutherford Alcock, the first British minister in Japan. Later travellers to the country followed suit, and the sentiment soon became an accepted fact. Tourists saw that the Japanese didn’t physically punish misbehaving children in public, a common sight at home. They saw Japanese girls taking care of their younger siblings by carrying them around on their backs, an adorable image that became a popular subject in souvenir postcards.30

日本曾被认为是儿童的天堂,后来演变成所有日本人——包括成年人——都充满童心的观念。人们认为日本充满了天真快乐的人,他们过着贴近自然、充满美感的生活。西方世界被这种“东方伊甸园”的形象所迷惑;31这种形象的形成并非偶然,当时西方国家正在重新审视童年的重要性,并希望回归更纯真的时代。

The idea that Japan was a paradise for children morphed into the idea that all Japanese people – including adults – were childlike. Japan was considered to be full of innocent, happy people who lived aesthetically pleasing lives close to nature. The Western world was besotted by this image of an ‘Eastern Eden’;31 it’s no accident that this image formed at a time when Western countries were reconsidering the importance of childhood and wished to return to a more innocent time.

长期以来,日本一直被刻板地认为是一个充满可爱事物和可爱人物的国家,但事实上,20世纪“卡哇伊”的兴起与美国“可爱”审美的兴起有着类似的因素。例如,工业化经济体需要更多受过教育的工人,而普及教育的引入使得美国和日本都涌现出一种新的青年文化。在日本,女子教育的兴起极大地影响了“卡哇伊”的传播。

Japan has long been stereotyped as a land full of cute things and cute people, but the reality is that the twentieth-century rise of kawaii was due to factors similar to those that caused the ascent of the American cute aesthetic. For example, industrialising economies require more educated workers, and the introduction of universal education allowed a new youth culture to emerge in both the US and Japan. In Japan, the advent of girls’ education greatly influenced the spread of kawaii.

浪漫女学生的诞生

The birth of the romantic schoolgirl

1899年,日本政府推行女子普及中学教育,识字率随之飙升。32 1895年,89只有1.5%的女孩上中学;到1940年,这一比例已上升至22% 。33

In 1899 Japan’s government implemented universal secondary education for girls, causing literacy rates to skyrocket.32 In 1895 89only 1.5 per cent of girls attended secondary school; by 1940 this had risen to 22 per cent.33

当时,日本正快速工业化。然而,让女孩接受教育所带来的文化影响远超政府的预期。战前的日本,大多数女孩的生活都很艰难。离开学校后,她们通常会结婚并搬进夫家,在那里她们常常被当作佣人,并被评判她们的生育能力。

Japan was rapidly industrialising during this period. However, the cultural impact of making education accessible to girls was more than the government had bargained for. For most girls in pre-war Japan life was hard. Having left school, they would generally marry and move in with their husband’s family, where they were often treated as servants and judged by their ability to bear children.

义务教育制度为女孩们在童年和婚姻之间提供了一些喘息的空间,尤其是如果她们住在学校附近的宿舍。34童年和成年之间的这段时期,一种独特的少女文化得以发展,而日本新的教育制度对男孩和女孩分别进行教育,则进一步促进了这种文化的发展。35

The compulsory education system gave girls some breathing space between childhood and marriage, especially if they went to live in a dormitory near their school.34 A unique culture of girlhood developed due to this period between childhood and adulthood, further helped by the fact that Japan’s new education system taught boys and girls separately.35

那些刚刚识字、拥有闲暇时间憧憬美好未来的女学生所形成的文化,正是现代“可爱”文化的基石。新型少女小说和插画杂志在全国范围内的流行,也为这种新文化的诞生贡献了力量。

The culture that coalesced around newly literate schoolgirls who had the leisure time to dream of a better future was the ground upon which modern kawaii was built. New genres of girls’ novels and illustrated magazines circulated nationwide and helped to create this new culture.

这些故事或杂志图片很少描绘乡村小学校的生活。相反,它们聚焦于就读于只有上层和中产阶级家庭才能负担得起的私立学院的女生。36一个表示“女孩”的新词是“shōjo”,暗示着上层阶级的优雅举止。37其他社会阶层的女孩们梦想着这些专属女子学院提供的精致生活,在那里,学生们被高墙包围,与外界生活隔绝,父母的资助让她们可以过上悠闲的生活。38一位作家特别通过在她小时候喜爱的杂志上发表故事,描绘了这种生活。

Few of these stories or magazine images depicted life at small rural schoolhouses. Instead they focused on schoolgirls who attended the private academies that were only affordable to upper- and middle-class families.36 A new word for girl, shōjo, implied the refined manners of the upper classes.37 Girls from other social classes dreamed of the sophisticated life offered by these exclusive girls’ academies, where students were surrounded by walls that separated them from life outside and where parental funding allowed a life of leisure.38 And one author in particular offered visions of this life by publishing stories in the magazines that she had loved as a girl.

作家吉屋信子出生于1896年,出身于一个秉持传统的武士家庭。她在乡下长大,无法通过90电影或戏剧等形式接触更广阔的世界。“或许是因为我没有机会去追求这些乐趣,”她写道,“一本廉价的少女杂志的月刊激发了这个女孩的热情,并给了她无尽的快乐。”

The writer Nobuko Yoshiya was born in 1896 into a former samurai family that clung tightly to tradition. Growing up in the countryside, she didn’t have access to the wider world in the 90form of films or theatre. ‘Perhaps it was because I did not have the opportunity to seek such pleasures,’ she writes, ‘that one monthly issue of a cheap girls’ magazine inspired the passion of this girl and gave her such immense pleasure.’

芳屋非常珍惜女孩杂志上的插图,这些插图“有着像《娃娃的盛宴》这样迷人的标题,并配有适合每个月的花卉图像” 。39

Yoshiya treasured the illustrations in girls’ magazines that bore ‘charming titles like A Doll’s Banquet and were graced with flower images appropriate for each month’.39

高中毕业后,吉屋不顾家人反对,搬到了东京,开始为激发她热情的杂志撰写故事。她是日本最早为少女创作小说的作家之一,并被誉为少女小说这一类型的开创者。40 没有一个在世的女性不知道吉屋信子是谁,”1935年的一篇关于这位作家的个人简介写道。41

When Yoshiya graduated from high school she moved to Tokyo, against the wishes of her family, and began to write stories for the magazines that had inspired her passion. She was among the first Japanese writers of fiction for girls and is credited with creating the genre of girls’ fiction.40 ‘There is not a single woman alive who doesn’t know who Yoshiya Nobuko is,’ declared a 1935 profile of the writer.41

芳也的《花语》系列由五十二个故事组成,围绕着两个女学生之间充满激情的友谊展开。这种关系被称为“S关系”(或称“S-kankei”),其中“S”代表英文单词“姐妹”,并成为了一种流行的类型。42也通过从故事中剔除男性角色,更加聚焦于一个由女性自主创造、拥有独特审美价值观的世界,一个没有家务或母性的浪漫世界。

Yoshiya’s series Flower Tales comprises fifty-two stories that revolve around passionate friendships between two schoolgirls. Known as ‘S relationships’ (or S-kankei), with the ‘S’ standing for the English word ‘sister’, this became a popular genre.42 By removing men from her stories, Yoshiya intensified the focus on a self-created girls’ world with its own aesthetic values, a world of romance without housework or motherhood.

吉屋抒情的写作风格向年轻读者展现了一个理想的少女世界。她的散文梦幻而充满渴望,以感性的意象来描绘色彩、香气和声音。她的风格在日语中被称为“hirahira”,这是一个拟声词,用来表达飘动的动作,类似于蝴蝶的飞舞或樱花的飘落。43同样知名的插画家合作,她笔下关于同性寄宿学校爱情故事的华丽故事栩栩如生;她提供了背景和情节,并赋予了视觉维度,进一步发展了“卡哇伊”文化。

Yoshiya’s lyrical writing style reflected an ideal girls’ world back to her young readers. Her prose was dreamy and wistful, with sensual imagery that expressed colours, fragrances and sounds. Her style has been called hirahira in Japanese, an onomatopoeic word that expresses a fluttering movement, rather like the flight of butterflies or falling cherry blossoms.43 Working with equally well-known illustrators brought her flowery tales of same-sex boarding-school romances to life; she provided the setting and plot, and they brought a visual dimension that further developed kawaii culture.

20世纪初,类似启发了“芳屋”的少女杂志蓬勃发展。这些杂志设有专栏,刊登91女孩们自己的评论、个人经历、绘画和诗歌,为她们提供了表达创意的源泉,并让她们积极参与到全国性的社群网络中。44这样,杂志帮助各个阶层的女孩们形成了新的、共同的身份认同。45

Magazines for girls like the one that had inspired Yoshiya proliferated in the early twentieth century. They included columns that published comments, personal experiences, drawings and 91poetry by the girls themselves, giving them a source of creative expression and active participation in a nationwide network.44 In this way, magazines helped to form a new, shared identity for girls of all classes.45

在读者持续不断的反馈启发下,艺术家、插画家、设计师和作家们纷纷迎合并打造了校园女生的可爱世界。46他们描绘出拥有梦幻表情的女孩,与芳屋等作家的故事相得益彰,并赋予她们前卫的时尚感。三位插画家尤其成为这场可爱革命的关键人物:竹久梦二、中原淳一和内藤留音。

Working under the inspiration of lively and continuous reader feedback, artists, illustrators, designers and writers both catered to and created the kawaii world of the schoolgirl.46 They drew girls with dreamy expressions suited to the stories of writers such as Yoshiya and dressed them in cutting-edge fashion. Three illustrators in particular became key figures in this kawaii revolution: Yumeji Takehisa, Junichi Nakahara and Rune Naito.

竹久梦二

Yumeji Takehisa

竹久梦二 (1884–1934) 插图中的优雅女孩凝视着远方,仿佛在做白日梦,这是 20 世纪 10 年代的标准少女形象。梦二才华横溢但未经训练,他创造了一种标志性的妆容,使用西方元素,如长睫毛和眼妆来强调其对象的情感特征。47他对女性面孔的描绘——尤其是大眼睛和高鼻子——与平安时代枕草子》以来艺术中对女性的传统描绘截然相反。48梦二的妆容流行起来,20 世纪初,越来越多模仿他妆容的女性出现在街头。49

The elegant girls in the illustrations of Yumeji Takehisa (1884–1934) stare into the distance as if they are daydreaming, a standard shōjo image from the 1910s. Talented but untrained, Yumeji created a signature look that used Western elements such as long eyelashes and eye make-up to emphasise the emotive character of his subjects.47 His depictions of female faces – in particular the large eyes and prominent nose – were direct opposites of the traditional way women had been depicted in art since the Heian era of The Pillow Book.48 The Yumeji look caught on, and increasing numbers of women imitating his look appeared on the streets in the early 1900s.49

作家室郎佐政在描写那些开始模仿梦二风格、在公众场合露面的年轻女子时,被她们的样貌所震撼:“年轻女子的眼睛睁得大大的,她们的脸庞已经为新的舞台做好了准备。她们开始做梦。这些年轻女孩的眼睛像萤火虫一样闪耀,奏响了日本女孩历史上革命的新歌。” 50对室郎来说,这些女孩代表着92从旧的被动女性观念向现代女性的转变,她们准备打破日本僵化的性别等级制度。

Describing the young women who began to imitate the Yumeji style by appearing in public with the long lashes, eye make-up and trendy hairstyles that featured in his work, the writer Sasei Murō was struck by their look: ‘The eyes of young women were opened widely, their faces made ready for a new stage. They began to dream. With eyes shining like fireflies, these young girls ushered in a new song of revolution in the history of Japanese girls.’50 For Murō, these girls represented 92a transition from the old notion of passive femininity to the modern woman who was poised to shake up Japan’s rigid gender hierarchy.

梦二将他的设计称为“可爱”,这有助于“可爱”一词的普及。51 1914年,他在东京开了一家商店,出售他自己的产品线,包括信纸、扇子、围巾、装饰伞和娃娃。他异想天开的设计深受年轻女孩的欢迎;他们将熟悉的日本图案与当代欧洲元素(从扑克牌到音符)融为一体。这家商店的标志是一艘乘风破浪的船,头顶上有鸟儿飞翔,暗示着异国情调的进口商品。52 可爱”一词与这个标志一起出现在商店的宣传单上。53

Yumeji referred to his designs as kawaii, which helped to popularise the word.51 In 1914 he opened a shop in Tokyo that sold his own line of products, including writing paper, fans, scarves, decorated umbrellas and dolls. His whimsical designs were popular with young girls; they mixed familiar Japanese motifs with contemporary European elements, from playing cards to musical notes. The shop’s logo was a ship riding the waves with birds flying overhead, suggesting exotic foreign imports.52 The word kawaii appeared alongside this logo on flyers promoting the shop.53

通过在刊登其插图的杂志上宣传自己店铺的商品,这位富有创业精神的艺术家为女孩们提供了购买梦二风格产品的机会。54二是首批创建自己品牌的艺术家之一,这使得女孩们能够通过购买日常用品,而不是仅仅在杂志上看他的插图,将他的可爱风格带入她们的生活。55

By advertising goods from his shop in the magazines that featured his illustrations, this enterprising artist offered girls the opportunity to buy into the Yumeji look.54 Yumeji was one of the first artists to create his own brand, which enabled girls to bring his kawaii style into their lives by purchasing products for daily use rather than merely looking at his illustrations in magazines.55

中原淳一

Junichi Nakahara

几十年后,中原淳一(1913-1983)也因其插画而声名鹊起,他的插画作品与吉屋信子等作家的小说一同刊登在少女杂志上。与梦二一样,他的作品融合了传统的日式和西式元素,但他进一步放大了女孩的眼睛,在眼中注入了闪亮的光线,增添了立体感,同时浓密的眼睑和眉毛也使她们看起来更加富有表现力。56

A few decades later Junichi Nakahara (1913–1983) also became very popular for his illustrations, which appeared alongside the stories of writers like Nobuko Yoshiya in girls’ magazines. Like Yumeji, his work combined traditional Japanese and Western elements, but he enlarged the eyes of his girls even further, placing shining lights in them to add a sense of depth, along with thick eyelids and eyebrows that made them appear even more expressive.56

和梦二一样,中原不仅反映了少女文化的潮流,他还创造了这些潮流。他的才华包括时装设计,他笔下的少女插画看起来就像商店模特展示最新款式一样。57中原十几岁时就制作过法式娃娃,他少女93插画中的眼睛看起来就像闪亮的玻璃娃娃的眼睛。58

Like Yumeji, Nakahara didn’t just reflect trends in shōjo culture – he created them. His talents included fashion design, and his illustrations of shōjo looked like shop mannequins modelling the latest styles.57 Nakahara had made French-style dolls 93as a teenager, and the eyes of his shōjo illustrations look like shining glass dolls’ eyes.58

图 4.6:中原淳一 (Junichi Nakahara) 1941 年为杂志《少女的朋友》创作的封面插图中,一位表情梦幻的年轻女孩身穿传统浴衣,梳着西式发型,戴着蝴蝶结。94

Fig. 4.6: In Junichi Nakahara’s 1941 cover illustration for the magazine The Shōjo’s Friend, a young girl with a dreamy expression wears a traditional yukata along with a Western hairstyle and bow. 94

虽然中原一度淡出时尚圈,但战后他风格的复兴使他成为后来卡哇伊美学发展中颇具影响力的人物。在东京高档的广尾街区,至今仍有一家专营他设计的商店。我去的时候,看到一位老年顾客花了数百美元购买了他的作品。一位女售货员告诉我,他们的顾客大多是八九十岁的女性,她们从少女时代起就是中原的粉丝。她说话的时候,几个二十多岁的女性走进商店,惊呼:“这是什么?好可爱啊!”她们从未听说过中原,但却被橱窗里可爱的设计所吸引。

Although Nakahara fell out of fashion for a time, a postwar revival of his style made him an influential figure in the later development of the kawaii aesthetic. There is still a shop dedicated to his designs in Tokyo’s upmarket Hiro-o neighbourhood. When I visited the shop, I looked on as an elderly customer made a purchase that totalled hundreds of dollars. A saleswoman told me that most of their customers are women in their eighties and nineties who have been Nakahara fans since girlhood. As she spoke, a few women in their twenties wandered into the shop, exclaiming, ‘What’s all this? It’s cute!’ They had never heard of Nakahara, but were attracted by the kawaii designs in the shop window.

中原的魅力跨越了几代人。他的插画影响了日本战后的主要时装设计师,同时也是少女漫画发展的关键,最终为“卡哇伊”文化树立了新的标准。59

Nakahara’s appeal spans the generations. His illustrations influenced Japan’s major post-war fashion designers – and they were also key in the development of girls’ manga, which eventually set the new standard for kawaii culture.59

内藤符文

Rune Naito

第二次世界大战将日本夷为平地,人们的兴趣不再是可爱的东西,而是寻找下一顿饭。但随着国家经济开始复苏,可爱也开始复苏。1948 年,中原淳一创办了《向日葵》Himawari),这是战后第一批针对年轻女孩的杂志之一。这本杂志引起了内藤润字(1932-2007)的注意,他是一位才华横溢的 16 岁学生,梦想成为一名插画家。他开始主动给中原寄送图画,三年后被中原雇用。内藤的设计在接下来的几十年里对可爱文化产生了重大影响。他经常将这些设计称为“可爱”,这有助于扩大这个词的使用范围——就像竹久梦二的经历一样。60 95

The Second World War reduced Japan to rubble and left its population more interested in finding their next meal than in cute things. But as the country’s economic recovery began, kawaii also made a resurgence. In 1948 Junichi Nakahara founded Sunflower (Himawari), one of the first post-war magazines for young girls. It captured the attention of Rune Naito (1932–2007), a talented sixteen-year-old schoolboy who dreamed of becoming an illustrator. He began to send unsolicited drawings to Nakahara, who hired him three years later. Naito’s designs would subsequently become a major influence on kawaii culture over the next several decades. He often referred to them as kawaii, which helped to expand the use of the word – just as had happened with Yumeji Takehisa.60 95

图 4.7:Rune Naito 于 1971 年创作的角色 Rune Panda。

Fig. 4.7: Rune Naito’s 1971 character Rune Panda.

内藤的标志性风格包括大眼睛、小巧的透视脸、粗线条的轮廓和鲜艳的色彩。他通过减少细节来简化设计,这是一种可以追溯到《百兽图鉴》的悠久日本传统美学,旨在集中展现卡哇伊效果。他还画了一些头部比身体大得多的人物,这种风格如今在从宝可梦到漫画人物的各种作品中都有出现。与梦二和中原笔下的感性女孩不同,内藤的审美充满活力且魅力十足,而且他的大部分主题都带有西方风格。61

Naito’s signature style included large eyes, small foreshortened faces, thick outlines and vivid colours. He simplified his designs by reducing detail, a long-standing traditional Japanese aesthetic dating back to the Scroll of Frolicking Animals, to concentrate the kawaii effect. He also drew figures with heads much larger than their bodies, a style that now appears in everything from Pokémon to manga characters. Unlike the sentimental girls of Yumeji and Nakahara, Naito’s aesthetic was energetic and charming, and most of his motifs were Western.61

与前辈梦二一样,内藤是“精美商品”行业的先驱,他用可爱的图案装饰那些原本平淡无奇的物品,从文具到陶瓷。62他的职业生涯中,他创作了超过一万种设计,其中最著名的是“符文熊猫”(Rune Panda),这是他在1971年参观伦敦动物园后构思的。内藤很幸运,次年东京一家动物园迎来了第一只熊猫。熊猫热席卷日本,“符文熊猫”在全国范围内大96受欢迎。几年后,一家名为三丽鸥(Sanrio)的公司推出了自己的“精美商品”角色,他们称之为“Hello Kitty”。

Like Yumeji before him, Naito was a pioneer of the ‘fancy goods’ business, which involved decorating typically drab items, from stationery to ceramics, with cute designs.62 He created more than 10,000 designs during his career, the most famous of which is ‘Rune Panda’, a design he came up with in 1971 following a visit to London Zoo. In a stroke of luck for Naito, a Tokyo zoo received its first panda the following year. A panda craze swept Japan, and Rune Panda became a nationwide 96hit. A few years later a company called Sanrio introduced their own ‘fancy goods’ character, which they called Hello Kitty.

符文熊猫的可爱部分源于其青春活力的特征。之前我们探讨了洛伦兹的儿童图式,该图式提出,一组共同的特征与幼年人类和动物的婴儿样貌相关。幼年特征持续到成年被称为幼态持续,这是一种在家养动物和人类身上都存在的生物学现象。我们可以说,幼态持续就是可爱的生物学术语。

Part of Rune Panda’s cuteness stems from its youthful features. Earlier we looked at Lorenz’s child schema, which proposed that a common set of traits was linked to a baby-like appearance in both young humans and animals. The persistence of juvenile traits into adulthood is called neoteny, and it’s a biological phenomenon that is found in both domesticated animals and in our own species. We could say that neoteny is the biological term for cuteness.

可爱的文化史与幼态持续有着有趣的联系;测量幼态持续的外貌,可以揭示一些最受欢迎的文化可爱偶像(包括泰迪熊和米老鼠)的惊人趋势。这也暗示了可爱在我们物种进化过程中的重要性。

The cultural history of cuteness is bound up with neoteny in interesting ways; measuring a neotenous appearance reveals surprising trends among some of the most popular cultural cute icons, including teddy bears and Mickey Mouse. It also has implications for the importance of cuteness in our own evolution as a species.

笔记

Notes

1府中市博物馆,非常可爱的江户图画,“Kawaii”(东京:KyuryuDo,2013 年)。

1 Museum of Fuchu City, Very Cute Pictures of Old Edo, ‘Kawaii’ (Tokyo: KyuryuDo, 2013).

2. 3D“荷兰眼镜”技术通过长崎这个荷兰唯一的贸易港口传入日本,该港口获准将欧洲的技术、书籍和艺术品进口到这个封闭的国家。Timon Screech,《内心的镜头:江户时代后期日本的西方科学视角与流行意象》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2002年),第99页。

2 The technology for 3D ‘Holland glasses’ had entered Japan through the single Dutch trading port in Nagasaki that was allowed to import European technology, books and artworks into the closed country. Timon Screech, The Lens Within the Heart: The Western Scientific Gaze and Popular Imagery in Later Edo Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002), p. 99.

3 “丸山应举融合多种风格,开辟艺术新道路”,日本时报,2016 年 11 月 15 日,www.japantimes.co.jp/ culture/2016/11/15/arts/maruyama-okyo-melded-styles-pioneer-new-path-art /。

3 ‘Maruyama Okyo melded styles to pioneer a new path in art’, Japan Times, 15 November 2016, www.japantimes.co.jp/culture/2016/11/15/arts/maruyama-okyo-melded-styles-pioneer-new-path-art/.

4野间清六,《日本艺术:中世纪晚期到现代》(东京:讲谈社国际,1978 年),第 14 页。 150.

4 Seiroku Noma, The Arts of Japan: Late Medieval to Modern (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1978), p. 150.

5同上。

5 Ibid.

6府中市博物馆,非常可爱的江户时代图画,“卡哇伊”。

6 Museum of Fuchu City, Very Cute Pictures of Old Edo, ‘Kawaii’.

7高松岩夫,“江户普通人的漫画/动画和生活世界文化”,漫画和动画学术研究研讨会第8部分(2005年12月13日),nippon.zaidan.info/ seikabutsu/2006/00258/contents/ 0021.htm。

7 Iwao Takamatsu, ‘Manga/Animation and Lifeworld Culture of Ordinary People in Edo’, Seminars on Academic Research of Manga and Anime Part 8 (13 December 2005), nippon.zaidan.info/seikabutsu/2006/00258/contents/0021.htm.

8金子信久,译。帕梅拉·三木(Pamela Miki),《浮世绘纸质书:国芳的猫》(东京:大福书林,2015 年)。

8 Nobuhisa Kaneko, trans. Pamela Miki, Ukiyo-e Paper Book: Cats by Kuniyoshi (Tokyo: Daifukushorin, 2015).

9 Martin LaFlamme,《歌川国芳,无可争议的武士版画大师》,评论 Rossella Menegazzo 编著的《歌川国芳:浮世绘的幻想家》,《日本时报》(2019 年 1 月 12 日),www.japantimes.co.jp /culture/2019/01 /12/books/utagawa-kuniyoshi-undisputed-master-warrior-prints/(2022 年 9 月 6 日访问)。

9 Martin LaFlamme, ‘Utagawa Kuniyoshi, the undisputed master of warrior prints’, review of Rossella Menegazzo, ed., ‘Kuniyoshi: Visionary of the Floating World’, Japan Times (12 January 2019), www.japantimes.co.jp/culture/2019/01/12/books/utagawa-kuniyoshi-undisputed-master-warrior-prints/ (accessed 6 September 2022).

10 Susan J. Napier,《从印象派到动漫:西方人心目中的日本幻想与粉丝崇拜》(纽约:Palgrave Macmillan,2007 年),第 21-44 页。

10 Susan J. Napier, From Impressionism to Anime: Japan as Fantasy and Fan Cult in the Mind of the West (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 21–44.

11同上。

11 Ibid.

12 Ernest Chesneau 引用自 Napier 的《从印象派到动漫》,第 29 页。

12 Ernest Chesneau quoted in Napier, From Impressionism to Anime, p. 29.

13 Lafcadio Hearn 引用如上,第 60-61 页。

13 Lafcadio Hearn quoted ibid., pp. 60–61.

14同上,第 31 页。

14 Ibid., p. 31.

15同上,第 27 页。

15 Ibid., p. 27.

16 Mari Yoshihara,《拥抱东方:白人女性与美国东方主义》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2003年),第39页。219另请参阅Tara Rodman,《现代主义观众:川上剧团、松来文新和波士顿日本主义》,《戏剧期刊》第65卷,第4期(2013年12月),第496页。

16 Mari Yoshihara, Embracing the East: White Women and American Orientalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 39. See 219also Tara Rodman, ‘A Modernist Audience: The Kawakami Troupe, Matsuki Bunkio, and Boston Japonisme’, Theatre Journal 65, 4 (December 2013), p. 496.

17 Rodman,《现代主义观众》,第 496 页。

17 Rodman, ‘A Modernist Audience’, p. 496.

18吉原,《拥抱东方》,第 39 页。

18 Yoshihara, Embracing the East, p. 39.

19 Jan Van Rij,《蝴蝶夫人:日本主义、普契尼和对真正的蝴蝶夫人的追寻》(加州伯克利:Stone Bridge Press,2001 年),第 29 页。

19 Jan Van Rij, Madame Butterfly: Japonisme, Puccini, and the Search for the Real Cho-Cho-San (Berkeley, CA: Stone Bridge Press, 2001), p. 29.

20吉原,《拥抱东方》,第 82 页。

20 Yoshihara, Embracing the East, p. 82.

21同上,第 5、91-92 页。

21 Ibid., pp. 5, 91–2.

22同上,第 92-3 页。

22 Ibid., pp. 92–3.

23同上,第 78 页。

23 Ibid., p. 78.

24同上,第 97-8 页。

24 Ibid., pp. 97–8.

25同上,第 86 页。

25 Ibid., p. 86.

26 Erica Kanesaka Kalnay,《黄祸,东方玩物:亚洲排斥与 1927 年美日玩偶交换》,《亚裔美国人研究杂志》第 23 卷,第 1 期(2020 年 1 月),第 97 页。

26 Erica Kanesaka Kalnay, ‘Yellow Peril, Oriental Plaything: Asian Exclusion and the 1927 US–Japan Doll Exchange’, Journal of Asian American Studies 23, 1 (January 2020), p. 97.

27 Kathleen Tamagawa,《马耳中的神圣祈祷:一位日裔美国人的回忆录》(新泽西州新不伦瑞克:罗格斯大学出版社,2008 年),第 90 页。

27 Kathleen Tamagawa, Holy Prayers in a Horse’s Ear: A Japanese American Memoir (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008), p. 90.

28 Kalnay,《黄祸,东方玩物》,第 97-101 页。

28 Kalnay, ‘Yellow Peril, Oriental Plaything’, pp. 97–101.

29同上,第 99-100 页。

29 Ibid., pp. 99–100.

30 Harald Salomon,《“儿童的天堂”:西方人对明治日本儿童的看法(1868-1912)》,《儿童和青年史杂志》,约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,11 [3],(2018 年秋季),第 341-362 页。

30 Harald Salomon, ‘“A Paradise for Children”: Western Perception of Children in Meiji Japan (1868–1912)’, The Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, Johns Hopkins University Press, 11 [3], (Fall 2018), pp. 341–62.

31同上,第 344 页。

31 Ibid., p. 344.

32 Barbara Sato,《两次世界大战期间日本的性别、消费主义和女性杂志》,《劳特利奇日本媒体手册》,Fabienne Darling-Wolf 编(伦敦:劳特利奇,2018 年),第 41 页。

32 Barbara Sato, ‘Gender, Consumerism and Women’s Magazines in Interwar Japan’, Routledge Handbook of Japanese Media, ed. Fabienne Darling-Wolf (London: Routledge, 2018), p. 41.

33川崎健子,《大崎绿与昭和现代主义中的女孩角色》,Lucy Fraser 和青山智子译,《亚洲研究评论》第 32 卷(2008 年),第 294 页。

33 Kenko Kawasaki, ‘Osaki Midori and the role of the girl in Shōwa Modernism’, trans. Lucy Fraser and Tomoko Aoyama, Asian Studies Review 32 (2008), p. 294.

34 Sarah Frederick,《少女杂志与少女身份的创造》,《劳特利奇日本媒体手册》,Darling-Wolf 编辑,第 26 页。

34 Sarah Frederick, ‘Girls’ Magazines and the Creation of Shōjo Identities’, Routledge Handbook of Japanese Media, ed. Darling-Wolf, p. 26.

35 Kanako Shiokawa,《可爱却致命:日本漫画中的女性与暴力》,《亚洲漫画的主题与问题:可爱、廉价、疯狂和性感》,John A. Lent 编辑(俄亥俄州鲍灵格林:鲍灵格林州立大学大众出版社,1999 年),第 99 页。220

35 Kanako Shiokawa, ‘Cute but Deadly: Women and Violence in Japanese Comics’, Themes and Issues in Asian Cartoning: Cute, Cheap, Mad, and Sexy, ed. John A. Lent (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1999), p. 99. 220

36 Mizuki Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,《日本视觉文化:漫画和动画世界的探索》,Mark W. MacWilliams 编辑(纽约:ME Sharpe,2013 年),第 116 页。

36 Mizuki Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, Japanese Visual Culture: Explorations in the World of Manga and Anime, ed. Mark W. MacWilliams (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2013), p. 116.

37同上,第 115 页。另请参阅 Deborah Shamoon,《热情的友谊:日本女孩文化的美学》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2012 年),第 2 页。

37 Ibid., p. 115. See also Deborah Shamoon, Passionate Friendship: The Aesthetics of Girls’ Culture in Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2012), p. 2.

38 Kawasaki,《大崎绿与昭和现代主义中的女孩角色》,第 297 页。

38 Kawasaki, ‘Osaki Midori and the role of the girl in Shōwa Modernism’, p. 297.

39 Frederick,《少女杂志与少女身份的创造》,第 22 页。

39 Frederick, ‘Girls’ Magazines and the Creation of Shōjo Identities’, p. 22.

40 Shamoon,《热情的友谊》,第 70 页。

40 Shamoon, Passionate Friendship, p. 70.

41 Sabrina Imbler,《成为酷儿漫画偶像的受人喜爱的日本小说家》,Atlas Obscura(2019 年 4 月 4 日),www.atlasobscura.com/ articles/yoshiya-nobuko-queer-manga 。

41 Sabrina Imbler, ‘The Beloved Japanese Novelist Who Became a Queer Manga Icon’, Atlas Obscura (4 April 2019), www.atlasobscura.com/articles/yoshiya-nobuko-queer-manga.

42 Shamoon,《热情的友谊》,第 11、35 页。

42 Shamoon, Passionate Friendship, pp. 11, 35.

43 Masako Honda,“Hirahira no keifu(平平家谱)”,Ibunka to shite no kodomo(作为另一种文化的儿童),(东京:Chikuma shobō,1992),第 148-85 页。

43 Masako Honda, ‘Hirahira no keifu (The Genealogy of Hirahira)’, Ibunka to shite no kodomo (The Child as Another Culture), (Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1992), pp. 148–85.

44 Shamoon,《热情的友谊》,第70页。各大城市都举办杂志读者见面会,内容包括演讲、戏剧演出和电影放映。此外,少女杂志的读者专栏比男生杂志的读者专栏占据了更大的版面,也更加生动活泼。Frederick,《少女杂志与少女身份的塑造》,第30页。

44 Shamoon, Passionate Friendship, p. 70. Meetings of magazine readers were held in major cities that included speeches, theatrical productions and motion-picture shows. In addition, readers’ columns in girls’ magazines took up more space and were much more vibrant than the ones in magazines for boys. Frederick, ‘Girls’ Magazines and the Creation of Shōjo Identities’, p. 30.

45 Sato,《两次世界大战期间日本的性别、消费主义和女性杂志》,第 39 页。

45 Sato, ‘Gender, Consumerism and Women’s Magazines in Interwar Japan’, p. 39.

46 Kawasaki,《大崎绿与昭和现代主义中的女孩角色》,第 294 页。

46 Kawasaki, ‘Osaki Midori and the role of the girl in Shōwa Modernism’, p. 294.

47 Nozomi Masuda,《少女漫画及其接受度:少女漫画的力量是什么?》,载 Masami Toku 编,《少女和少女漫画的国际视角:少女文化的影响》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2018 年),第 24 页。

47 Nozomi Masuda, ‘Shōjo Manga and its Acceptance: What is the Power of Shōjo Manga?’, in Masami Toku, ed., International Perspectives on Shōjo and Shōjo Manga: The Influence of Girl Culture (London: Routledge Press, 2018), p. 24.

48同上。

48 Ibid.

49 Nozomi Naoi,《美丽与超越:竹久梦二和梦二式的定位》,Andon 98(2014 年 12 月),第 17 页。 32.

49 Nozomi Naoi, ‘Beauties and Beyond: Situating Takehisa Yumeji and the Yumeji-shiki’, Andon 98 (December 2014), p. 32.

50竹久梦二的名声至今犹存。日本有六座博物馆专门展出他的作品。同上,第29-30页。221

50 Yumeji Takehisa’s fame lives on today. There are six museums in Japan dedicated to his works. Ibid., pp. 29–30. 221

51 K. Nakamura,采访摘自 M. Ozaki 和 G. Johnson 编,《可爱!日本的可爱文化》(慕尼黑:Prestel,2013 年),第 10-13 页。

51 K. Nakamura, interview in M. Ozaki and G. Johnson, eds, Kawaii! Japan’s Culture of Cute (Munich: Prestel, 2013), pp. 10–13.

52 Naoi,《美女及其他》,第 34 页。

52 Naoi, ‘Beauties and Beyond’, p. 34.

53 Masanobu Hosono,竹久梦二 (Yumeji Takehisa ),(东京:Hoikusha,1972 年),第 17 页。 123.

53 Masanobu Hosono, Takehisa Yumeji (Yumeji Takehisa), (Tokyo: Hoikusha, 1972), p. 123.

54 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 117 页。

54 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, p. 117.

55 Naoi,《美女及其他》,第 35 页。

55 Naoi, ‘Beauties and Beyond’, p. 35.

56 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 120 页。

56 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, p. 120.

57同上,第 119、125 页。

57 Ibid., pp. 119, 125.

58 Masuda,《少女漫画及其接受》,第 14 页。 24.

58 Masuda, ‘Shōjo Manga and its Acceptance’, p. 24.

59 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 119 页。

59 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, p. 119.

60 K. Nakamura,采访自 Ozaki 和 Johnson 编辑的《可爱!日本的可爱文化》,第 14 页。

60 K. Nakamura, interview in Ozaki and Johnson, eds, Kawaii! Japan’s Culture of Cute, p. 14.

61同上。

61 Ibid.

62内藤与他的长期合作伙伴藤田龙合作创作了卡哇伊设计。20世纪70年代,两人都为日本第一本面向男同性恋的大众杂志《Barazoku》创作插画。内藤代表了男同性恋与卡哇伊美学之间一种常常被忽视的联系。

62 Naito collaborated to produce kawaii designs with his long-term partner Ryu Fujita. In the 1970s both produced illustrations for Barazoku, Japan’s first mass-market magazine for gay men. Naito represents a connection between gay men and the kawaii aesthetic that often goes unmentioned.

伊豆半岛距离东京仅几小时车程,拥有壮丽的岩石海岸线、温泉、鲜美的寿司鱼,以及一座泰迪熊博物馆。我简直不敢相信自己的好运。我刚写完关于泰迪熊的文章,急于核实我读到的一个奇怪事实——这些毛绒玩具似乎在几十年间变得更年轻了。它们最初是成年的,然后逐渐衰老,最终变成幼崽。有确凿的证据支持这一理论。动物学家罗伯特·A·欣德和L·A·巴登在英国剑桥郡民俗博物馆(现为剑桥博物馆)仔细观察了展览中的泰迪熊,发现后期的熊拥有大额头和短鼻子,这是洛伦兹儿童图式的特征。98而早期的熊则拥有低额头和长鼻子,这是成年熊的特征。1

The Izu Peninsula, a few hours from Tokyo, has a dramatic rocky coastline, hot springs, fresh fish for sushi – and a teddy-bear museum. I couldn’t believe my luck. I’d just finished writing about teddy bears and was eager to check a strange fact that I’d read about them – it seems that these stuffed animals have, over the decades, become younger in their appearance. Having started as adults, they steadily aged in reverse to become cubs. There is hard evidence to support this theory. When zoologists Robert A. Hinde and L. A. Barden closely examined the teddy bears in an exhibition at the Cambridge & County Folk Museum (now the Museum of Cambridge) in the UK, they found that later bears had the large foreheads and short snouts that are characteristics of Lorenz’s child schema. Earlier bears, 98on the other hand, had the low foreheads and long snouts that were characteristic of adults.1

泰迪女孩

Teddy Girl

在泰迪熊发明之前,人们曾把熊放在玩具小丑盒里吓唬孩子;早期的泰迪熊通常装有能发出咆哮声的音箱。2欣德和巴登测量的最早的样本是一只 1903 年的熊,它甚至还戴着口套。3读完这些,我开始觉得这些早期的熊反映了人们曾经对孩子的印象。正如我们之前所看到的,社会对孩子的观念已经从未受社会化的原始人(犯错应受惩罚)演变为可爱的小恶魔(恶作剧被纵容)。我原以为会在第一批泰迪熊身上找到一些那种野性,但后来我去了伊豆泰迪熊博物馆,与“泰迪女孩”面对面,这是博物馆在 1994 年拍卖会上购得的一只早期泰迪熊。

Before the invention of the teddy, bears had been used in jack-in-the-boxes to give children a scare; early teddies were often fitted with soundboxes that produced growls.2 The earliest specimen that Hinde and Barden measured, a bear from 1903, even sported a muzzle.3 Reading all this, I’d started to see these early bears as reflecting the image that people once had of children. As we saw earlier, the societal idea of the child had evolved from that of an unsocialised primitive whose misdeeds deserved punishment into an adorable imp whose mischief was indulged. I expected to find some of that wildness reflected in the first teddy bears, but then I went to the Izu Teddy Bear Museum and came face-to-face with Teddy Girl, an early bear that the museum purchased at auction in 1994.

泰迪熊女孩(Teddy Girl)由史泰福(Steiff)于1904年制造,是鲍勃·亨德森上校(Colonel Bob Henderson)的终身伴侣。他无论走到哪里都带着这只熊,包括1944年诺曼底登陆时的那只。泰迪熊的起源通常被认为是1902年一则关于泰迪·罗斯福(Teddy Roosevelt)在一次狩猎中放走了一只熊幼崽的新闻报道,这则报道启发了两位布鲁克林的企业家,并于次年开始制作和销售泰迪熊。然而,史泰福工厂声称,他们于1902年设计的这只带有可活动关节的马海毛毛绒熊才是世界上第一只毛绒熊。4

Made in 1904 by Steiff, Teddy Girl had been the lifelong companion of Colonel Bob Henderson, who took the bear with him wherever he went – including Normandy for the D-Day landings in 1944. The origin of the teddy bear is usually credited to a newspaper report about Teddy Roosevelt sparing a bear cub during a hunt in 1902, which inspired two Brooklyn entrepreneurs to begin making and selling teddies the following year. However, the Steiff factory claims that the mohair-plush bear with movable joints that it designed in 1902 is the world’s first stuffed bear.4

无论起源于美国还是德国,所有毛绒熊很快就被称为泰迪熊。它们的比例都差不多,包括长长的鼻子和低矮的额头。欣德和巴登的图表让我相信,最早的熊看起来比后来的熊更具动物性和野性。泰迪女孩的确有着狭窄的鼻子、低矮的99额头、长长的胳膊和大脚。但她肉桂色的皮毛在120年后依然蓬松,大耳朵衬托着一张个性十足的脸。博物馆里有一张她坐在年迈的亨德森上校旁边的照片,不难理解为什么他一生都把这只可爱的熊放在身边——她实在太可爱了。

Whether they were American or German in origin, all stuffed bears were soon known as teddies. And they all had similar proportions, including long snouts and low foreheads. Hinde and Barden’s graphs and charts had convinced me that the earliest bears looked more animalistic and wilder than later ones. Teddy Girl does indeed have a narrow snout, low 99forehead, long arms and large feet. But her cinnamon-coloured fur is still fluffy after 120 years, and her large ears frame a face full of personality. The museum has a photo of her sitting next to an elderly Colonel Henderson and it’s easy to see why he kept this adorable bear next to him his whole life – she’s undeniably cute.

泰迪熊通常不像洋娃娃那样被赋予性别。例如,泰迪女孩(Teddy Girl)曾被称为泰迪男孩(Teddy Boy),直到亨德森上校的女儿在一天晚上给泰迪熊穿上了一件带褶边的连衣裙,才让她改名为泰迪熊。柔软的毛绒熊在20世纪初是一项创新——之前的玩具动物都是用木头或毛毡制成的。由于泰迪熊不像洋娃娃那样带有女性的联想,它成为了送给男孩们的热门礼物。小男孩抱着泰迪熊的照片成为了一种欣赏男孩和熊的可爱的新方式,并迅速风靡一时。5

Teddy bears tend not to be gendered in the way that dolls often are. Teddy Girl, for example, had been called Teddy Boy until Colonel Henderson’s daughter put a frilly dress on the bear one night, causing her to be rechristened. Soft, plush bears were an innovation in the early twentieth century – toy animals had previously been made of wood or felt. Because bears had none of the feminine associations of dolls, teddies became a popular gift for boys. Photos of small boys clutching teddy bears were a new way of appreciating the cuteness of both boy and bear, and quickly became a fad.5

我可以用几页纸来描述博物馆其余部分的展品。“泰迪熊快车”是一辆真人大小的火车车厢,车厢里坐着熊作为乘客和乘务员;旁边是一个微型嘉年华,小熊们骑着旋转木马。“泰迪熊工厂”是一个巨大的机械立体模型,熊们在这里制造其他的熊,从缝纫到运输,无所不包。二楼的展览更是独具特色。在一条长长的走廊里,矗立着一座神社,里面全是泰迪熊:它们穿着传统长袍,打扫场地、守卫大门,而石熊则代替了常见的狐狸,充当地藏菩萨的守护神。神社里供奉着一只小泰迪熊,走廊的尽头是一系列小吃摊,熊们正在制作棉花糖之类的东西。整个设计非常精美,尽管略显疯狂。除了泰迪熊之外,所有参观者都发出了“卡哇伊! ”的欢呼声。

I could describe for pages the exhibits that fill the rest of the museum. The Teddy Bear Express is a life-sized train car with bears as passengers and attendants; near it is a miniature carnival, complete with small bears riding the carousel. The Teddy Bear Factory is a large mechanical diorama in which bears manufacture other bears, from sewing to shipping. The exhibit on the second floor is even more unique. Installed in a long hallway is a Shinto shrine populated entirely by teddy bears: they sweep the grounds and attend the gates, dressed in traditional robes, while stone bears stand in for Jizo guardian statues instead of the usual foxes. The shrine contains a small teddy as the object of worship, and the hallway ends with a series of food stalls with bears making candy floss and the like. The whole thing was very well designed, if slightly mad. Cries of ‘Kawaii!’ came from everyone who wasn’t a bear.

当我在博物馆里探索,看到几十年后出现的泰迪熊时,动物学家们的说法显然是对的:泰迪熊的外表确实变得越来越幼稚。由于它们100从出生的那一刻起就很可爱(尽管它们有成年的特征),我不明白为什么它们会随着时间的推移变得越来越像幼崽——但事实证明,米老鼠就是答案。6

As I explored the museum and saw bears from later decades, it was clear that the zoologists were right: teddy bears did become increasingly juvenile in appearance. Since they were 100cute from the moment they appeared (adult features notwithstanding), I wasn’t sure why they became more cub-like over time – but it turned out that Mickey Mouse held the answer to that question.6

狡猾的米老鼠

Tricky Mickey Mouse

米老鼠是美国的标志,在世界各地都广为人知。他温柔纯真,无论阶级和国籍,都能吸引人们。7然而,当他在《威利号汽船》 (1928 年)中首次亮相银幕时,他却顽皮狡猾,像个骗子。他向汽船船长吐口水,将一桶水泼向嘲笑他的鹦鹉,并用钩子隔着内裤将米妮拖上船。当一只山羊吃了米妮的尤克里里琴时,两人摇动山羊的尾巴来弹奏,这启发米老鼠利用其他动物来达到同样的目的。他拉猫的尾巴,让她的哭声与节奏一致,然后把她甩来甩去;捏鸭子让它跟着节奏鸣叫;拉小猪的尾巴,让它们的牛叫声加入歌曲;用锤子像敲木琴一样敲打牛的牙齿和舌头。船长惩罚米奇削土豆,短片以米奇向鹦鹉扔土豆并将其打入河中后歇斯底里地大笑结束。

Mickey Mouse is an American icon, instantly recognised in every corner of the world. Gentle and innocent, he appeals to people regardless of their class and nationality.7 Yet when he made his screen debut in Steamboat Willie (1928), he was naughty and manipulative – a trickster. He blows a raspberry at the steamboat captain, throws a bucket of water over a parrot that laughs at him, and hauls Minnie on board by a hook through her underwear. When a goat eats Minnie’s ukulele, the two crank the goat’s tail to play it, inspiring Mickey to use the other animals for the same purpose. He pulls a cat’s tail to make her wails match the rhythm, before swinging her around and tossing her aside; squeezes a duck to make it honk in time; pulls piglets’ tails to add their oinks to the song; and pounds a cow’s teeth and tongue with a hammer like a xylophone. The boat’s captain sentences Mickey to peel potatoes as punishment, and the short film ends with the mouse laughing hysterically after he throws a potato at the parrot and knocks it into the river.

尽管米奇深受孩子们的喜爱,但家长们对早期米奇的鲁莽和暴力行为却并不感冒。到了20世纪30年代初,他们写信给迪士尼,抱怨米奇给他们的孩子树立了坏榜样。他们希望看到一个更友善的角色,而迪士尼的回应是,把标志性的米奇改造成了如今这个温和的“美国男孩” 。8 101

Although he was enthralling to children, parents were less enthusiastic about the impudence and violence shown by the early Mickey. By the early 1930s they were writing to Disney complaining that Mickey set a bad example for their children. They wanted to see a friendlier character, and the studio responded by turning its iconic mouse into the inoffensive ‘all-American boy’ he is today.8 101

图 5.1:1904 年的熊“泰迪女孩”的特征与后来的熊相比更加成熟。

Fig. 5.1: The features of ‘Teddy Girl’, a bear from 1904, are more adult compared to later bears.

米奇的行为并非他多年来唯一改变的地方。进化生物学家斯蒂芬·杰伊·古尔德在动画片《威利号汽船》首播五十年后观看这部动画片时,惊讶地发现这只老鼠的外貌也发生了显著变化。随着米奇行为的成熟,它的外貌也变得更加幼稚,古尔德将这种违反直觉的过程称为“逆生长” 。9

Mickey’s behaviour is not the only thing that changed about him over the years. When the evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould watched Steamboat Willie fifty years after the cartoon’s debut, he was struck by the fact that the mouse’s appearance had also undergone significant change. As Mickey’s behaviour matured, so his appearance grew more juvenile, a counter-intuitive process that Gould dubs ‘growth in reverse’.9

在一篇题为《从生物学角度致敬米老鼠》的文章中,古尔德描述了他如何对米老鼠日渐成熟的过程进行定量测量。他发现,在过去的五十年里,米老鼠的头和眼睛变大了,而腿和脚却变得又短又粗壮。它的头骨凸起,而鼻子却萎缩了。米老鼠的变化复制了幼态延续的生物学过程,即幼年特征会保留到成年。换句话说,米老鼠逐渐变得像康拉德·洛伦兹的儿童图式,其中列出了这些相同的特征。去除米老鼠角色中的狡猾之处是一系列迭代的第一步,迪士尼的动画师们102逐步重新设计了这只著名的老鼠,直到它变得可爱又无害。10

In an article titled ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’ Gould describes how he made quantitative measurements of Mickey’s increasing juvenility. He found that over the course of five decades the mouse’s head and eyes had grown larger while his legs and feet became short and stocky. His cranium bulged while his snout shrank. Mickey’s changes replicate the biological process of neoteny, in which juvenile features are retained into adulthood. In other words, Mickey grew to resemble Konrad Lorenz’s child schema, which lists these same characteristics. Removing the trickiness from Mickey’s character was the first step in a set of iterations that saw Disney’s animators 102progressively redesign their famous mouse until he became sweet and inoffensive.10

古尔德关于米老鼠幼年化的文章启发了欣德和巴登测量泰迪熊,以验证他关于“无关物种的平行进化”的理论——他们曾这样讽刺。那么,是什么引发了米老鼠和泰迪熊都呈现出幼态、幼稚的特征呢?

Gould’s article on the juvenilisation of Mickey Mouse inspired Hinde and Barden to measure teddy bears to test his theory on ‘parallel evolution in an unrelated species’, as they wryly put it. So what had triggered this march towards neotenous, juvenile features in both Mickey Mouse and teddy bears?

幼态持续的外貌特征包括大而圆的头和眼睛,以及短而丰满的身体。它标志着动物社会化时期特有的童真特质,例如好奇心、开放性和亲和力——正如我们将看到的,这些特质在20世纪早期的美国文化中与儿童紧密相关。同一时期,报纸开始刊登以大头大眼、身材矮小的人物为主角的漫画。随着人们对可爱的追求日益高涨,这套幼稚的特征和行为逐渐成为艺术家和设计师们创作的公式的一部分。

A neotenous appearance includes a large, round head and eyes, together with a short, plump body. It signals childlike qualities that are characteristic of an animal’s socialisation period, such as curiosity, openness and approachability – traits that, as we shall see, became strongly associated with children in early-twentieth-century American culture. In the same period, newspapers began running comics that featured characters with large heads and eyes and short bodies. This set of juvenile features and behaviours became part of the formula that artists and designers gradually developed as the fad for cuteness gained momentum.

米老鼠、泰迪熊和漫画的演变,揭示了文化的转变,从顽皮的可爱转向甜美、青春的可爱。没有证据表明这种可爱的转变是有计划的。相反,泰迪熊设计师、迪士尼动画师和报纸编辑似乎都在无意识地追随儿童模式,因为公众更喜欢它。

The evolution of Mickey Mouse, teddy bears and comic strips reveals a cultural shift away from mischievous cuteness and towards sweet, youthful cuteness. There is no evidence that this transition in cuteness was planned. Rather, teddy-bear designers, Disney animators and newspaper editors all seem to have unconsciously followed the child schema because the public preferred it.

古尔德认为,我们能够抽象出儿童可爱的特质,并将其转移到动物和卡通人物身上,这是一种“生物错觉”:一种对触发因素的不恰当反应,而这些触发因素本应只针对我们自身物种的幼儿。11康拉德·洛伦兹也持有这种观点。他的儿童图式旨在表明“可爱”过于泛滥,以至于我们将任何具有幼儿特征的事物都视为可爱。

Gould says that our ability to abstract the qualities that make children cute in order to transfer them to animals and cartoon characters is a ‘biological illusion’: an inappropriate response to triggers that should fire only towards young members of our own species.11 Konrad Lorenz believed this as well. His child schema was intended to show that cuteness is too profligate, allowing us to regard anything with the features of young children as cute.

我认为可爱远不止于此。我相信,我们103能够将孩子、动物和人物沉浸在可爱温暖的光芒中,这绝非缺陷,而是人类操作系统的一个特性。然而,尽管古尔德对可爱的定义可能过于狭隘,但他对幼态持续的关注将有助于我论证可爱在人类进化中的重要性。

I think there’s more to cuteness than this. I believe that our 103ability to wrap children, animals and characters in the warm glow of cute feelings, far from being a flaw, is a feature of the human operating system. However, although Gould’s conception of cuteness may be too narrow, his focus on neoteny will help me make the case that cuteness was important in human evolution.

尽管古尔德的文章名为《向米老鼠致敬的生物学》,但他并不认为像米老鼠这样的可爱文化产品与进化生物学有任何联系。相反,他的论点是,老鼠的幼年期与人类物种的进化演变相吻合。换句话说,随着时间的推移,我们也变得越来越可爱。

Although Gould’s essay is called ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’, he doesn’t see any connection between cute cultural products like Mickey and evolutionary biology. Rather, his thesis is that the increasingly juvenile mouse matches a similar evolutionary transformation of the human species. In other words, we also grew cuter over time.

成年人类与幼年猿类的相似度远高于与成年猿类的相似度。我们当然会随着成熟而改变,但这些变化不如猿类或家养物种的野生祖先所经历的变化那么剧烈。除了人类成年后幼年特征的幼态持续性之外,古尔德还对人类由于漫长的成熟期而持续到成年的行为方式着迷。

Adult humans resemble baby apes more than they do adult apes. We change as we mature, of course, but these changes are less extensive than those that apes or the wild ancestors of domesticated species undergo. Along with this neotenous retention of juvenile traits in human adults, Gould is fascinated by the human behaviours that persist into adulthood, due to our long maturation period.

行为幼态持续

Behavioural neoteny

人类是所有哺乳动物中幼态持续性最强的。此外,我们是一种学习型动物;儿童的发育时间比其他物种长得多,因为我们在进化过程中被设定为学习型,而非本能行事。发育延迟造就了我们更大、更复杂的大脑。这也意味着,为了生存,人类需要成人更长时间的照顾和指导。12事实上,我们为孩子提供的更长时间的照顾有很多好处。更长的学习期使我们能够获得新技能并探索周围的世界。它有助于塑造我们的认知过程,无论是社交、语言还是情感方面。13而且这种认知发展并非只发生在儿童时期;它会持续我们的一生。104

Humans are the most neotenous of all mammals. In addition, we’re a learning animal; children take much longer to develop than other species because we are evolutionarily programmed to learn rather than to act by instinct. A delay in our development enabled a larger, more complex brain. It also meant that, in order to survive, humans needed extended care and instruction by adults.12 In fact, the extended care that we provide for children has many benefits. A longer period of learning allows us to acquire new skills and explore the world around us. It helps shape our cognitive processes, whether social, linguistic or emotional.13 And this cognitive development doesn’t just happen when we are children; it persists throughout our lives. 104

像许多哺乳动物一样,我们在幼年时最可爱,拥有洛伦兹儿童图式中的幼年特征。尽管这种特征之后会逐渐消失,但即使是人类成年人看起来也比其他哺乳动物的成年期更具幼态。虽然这一点早已为人所知,但直到最近才出现令人信服的理论来解释为什么我们幼态的外表如此重要。另一方面,幼态行为长期以来一直被认为对我们的进化至关重要。

Like many mammals, we are cutest when we are young and possess the juvenile traits of Lorenz’s child schema. Although it fades thereafter, even human adults look more neotenous than adults of other mammalian species. Although this has long been known, until recently there was no convincing theory to explain why our neotenous appearance is important. Neotenous behaviour, on the other hand, has long been characterised as vital to our evolution.

正如我之前提到的,康拉德·洛伦兹认为,我们能够从各种事物中发现可爱之处,从小动物到洋娃娃,这是一种特殊的机制,旨在鼓励我们养育孩子。然而,他也是行为幼态持续论的坚定支持者,认为将我们的探索和创造能力维持到成年期是我们进化的关键组成部分。洛伦兹引用了“老狗学不会新把戏”这句格言,指出所有以好奇心著称的物种都会随着年龄的增长而失去这种特质——除了人类,他称人类为“非专业化专家”。14古尔德将这一观点引向了一个非常有趣的方向。

As I mentioned earlier, Konrad Lorenz thought our ability to see cuteness in everything from small animals to dolls evolved as a specific mechanism to encourage us to nurture our children. However, he was a big supporter of behavioural neoteny, believing the maintenance of our exploratory, creative capabilities into adulthood to be a key component of our evolution. Citing the aphorism that an old dog can’t learn new tricks, Lorenz points out that individuals of every species noted for its curiosity lose this quality as they age – except for humans, whom he calls ‘specialists in non-specialisation’.14 Gould takes this idea in a very interesting direction.

我们幼态持续的外貌特征和我们行为成熟相对缓慢之间的联系从未被明确。科学家倾向于认为后者更为重要。但古尔德认为,幼态持续是人类进化的一个显著特征,我们应该将这两个方面都视为人类整体发展的关键。15

The link between our neotenous appearance and our comparative slowness to mature behaviourally was never clear. Scientists tended to consider the latter to be more important. But Gould argues that neoteny is such a clear characteristic of human evolution that we should consider both aspects of it as vital to our overall development.15

他写作的时代正值冷战时期,当时西伯利亚狐狸驯服实验的惊人结果尚未广为传播。尽管他知道所有家养动物都比它们的野生祖先更具幼态,但狐狸实验让我们得以观察这一过程。驯服的西伯利亚狐狸长大后,仍然保留着幼年时期的特征和行为。看来,对单一性状——友善——的选择,是一系列既幼态持续又可爱的变化的先决条件。105

He was writing in the depths of the Cold War, before the astonishing results of the experiment showing how Siberian foxes could be tamed had been widely disseminated. Although he knew that all domesticated animals are more neotenous than their wild forebears, the fox experiment allows us to see this process at work. When the tame Siberian foxes grow up, they retain juvenile features and behaviour. It seems that selection for a single trait – friendliness – is the precondition for a cascade of changes that are both neotenous and cute. 105

我们稍后会探讨其中的原理。现在,让我们从文化视角来探讨幼态外貌与行为——可爱与友善——之间的联系,并回到日本,看看最著名的漫画家:手冢治虫。

We’ll look at how this happens later on. For now, let’s examine the connection between neotenous looks and behaviour – between cuteness and friendliness – through a cultural lens, by returning to Japan to look at the most famous manga artist of them all: Osamu Tezuka.

“漫画之神”

The ‘God of Manga’

华特·迪士尼是二十世纪美国文化中“可爱”的先驱。据说,他曾在每位动画师的办公桌上钉了一张纸条,提醒他们:“保持可爱!” 16然而,日本的“可爱”大师手冢治虫却将“可爱”推向了更高的境界,甚至超越了迪士尼电影。他的名字是手冢治虫(1928-1989),也被称为“漫画之神”。

Walt Disney was the premier purveyor of cuteness in twentieth-century American culture. He is said to have pinned a note above the desk of each of his animators with the reminder: ‘Keep it cute!’16 However, Japan’s equivalent managed to push cuteness even beyond the level found in Disney films. His name is Osamu Tezuka (1928–1989) and he is also known as the ‘God of Manga’.

正如我们所见,有些人将漫画的起源追溯到12世纪的《百兽图》。在江户时代,“漫画”一词指的是艺术家笔记本中收集的互不相关的素描。著名版画艺术家葛饰北斋(1760-1849年)出版了15卷此类素描,主题包括面部表情、动物和植物,以及半人半兽的怪物和神话生物,其中许多都充满了讽刺的幽默感。1856年,葛饰北斋的漫画偶然来到巴黎,或许是作为一箱瓷器的包装材料,对莫奈、德加、高更和劳特累克等艺术家产生了巨大的影响。17

As we have seen, some people trace the origins of manga all the way back to the twelfth-century Scroll of Frolicking Animals. In the Edo period the word ‘manga’ referred to a collection of unrelated sketches in an artist’s notebook. Hokusai (c.1760–1849), the famed print artist, published fifteen volumes of such sketches, with subjects that included catalogues of facial expressions, animals and plants, along with half-human monsters and mythological creatures, many imbued with a satirical sense of humour. Hokusai’s manga greatly influenced artists such as Monet, Degas, Gauguin and Lautrec when they fortuitously made their way to Paris in 1856, perhaps as packing material in a crate of porcelain.17

现代漫画的灵感来自于 1919 年一位日本报纸记者从美国带回的美国漫画。18到了 20 世纪30年代,美国和日本的许多人物、漫画和动画片都被描绘成具有幼稚、可爱的形象。

Modern manga was inspired by the American comic strips that a Japanese newspaper reporter brought back from the US in 1919.18 By the 1930s, scores of characters, comics and cartoons in both the US and Japan were being drawn with a juvenile, cute appearance.

沉浸在这样的氛围中,手冢治虫从小学就开始创作自己的漫画。当时的男生经常会模仿106同学和老师画漫画;通常他们的漫画会被立即没收,但手冢治虫是个罕见的例外。到他十一岁时,他的漫画作品就已经受到老师和同学们的热切期待。我在东京的一家博物馆里看到过他学生时代作品的稀有存世本,他如此年轻就能将如此的活力和个性融入到自己的作品中,令人惊叹。

Immersed in this milieu, Tezuka began drawing his own manga in elementary school. Schoolboys would often caricature 106their classmates and teachers; usually their manga would be confiscated immediately, but Tezuka was a rare exception. By the time he was eleven his stories were eagerly awaited by teachers and fellow students alike. I’ve seen a rare surviving volume of his student work in a Tokyo museum, and the vitality and personality he could infuse into his drawings at such a young age are astonishing.

战后,手冢治虫放弃了医学生涯,成为一名全职漫画家。与华特·迪士尼不同,他创作了自己的故事,并不回避暴力元素,但他的漫画也相当可爱。正是手冢治虫的创作,使得日式“卡哇伊”风格往往比美式“可爱”更具幼稚性。他逐渐扩大额头和眼睛,让脸颊鼓起,身体线条更圆润,直到他笔下的角色甚至比他曾经受其启发的迪士尼电影中的人物还要可爱。19

After the war Tezuka gave up a career in medicine to become a full-time manga artist. Unlike Walt Disney, he created his own stories and didn’t shy away from violence, but he did make his manga cute. Tezuka is the reason that Japanese kawaii is often more neotenous than the American style of cuteness. He progressively enlarged foreheads and eyes, made cheeks bulge and body forms rounder, until his characters were even cuter than those of the Disney films he had been inspired by.19

手冢治虫的男孩机器人阿童木 ( Tetsuwan Atomu ) 可以说是日本最具标志性的人物——相当于米老鼠。20这个机器人男孩的心脏是核反应堆,大脑是电脑,他天性善良、无私,还有孩子般的外貌。在手冢治虫的故事中,这个男孩机器人是为了代替一位科学家在事故中失踪的儿子而制造的。科学家意识到他的机器人儿子永远不会长大,便把他卖给了马戏团,但阿童木从未动摇保卫人类和机器人世界的决心。他领导了一场机器人叛乱,为机械生物赢得了自己的权利法案,然后通过建立一个机器人和人类共同工作的社区,继续与不公正作斗争。

Tezuka’s boy robot, Astro Boy (Tetsuwan Atomu) is arguably Japan’s most iconic character – their equivalent of Mickey Mouse.20 A robot boy with a nuclear reactor as a heart and a computer for a brain, he possesses a sweet, altruistic nature and childlike features. In Tezuka’s story, the boy robot is created to replace a scientist’s son lost in an accident. The scientist, realising that his robot son will never grow up, sells him to a circus, but Astro Boy never wavers in his desire to defend both the human and robot worlds. He leads a robot rebellion that wins mechanical beings their own Bill of Rights, then continues the fight against injustice by building a community of robots and humans who work together.

铁臂阿童木是一位高科技超级英雄,他的力量被天真可爱的外表所驯服,让他永远保持童真。他总是乐于助人,至今仍是日本的偶像。21手冢治虫创作的其他角色一样,他代表着一种童真的纯真,为日本提供了一个摆脱帝国主义意识形态的机会,正是这种意识形态曾将日本拖入一场灾难性的战争。通过塑造可爱的主人公,手冢治虫得以107表达一种与日本法西斯帝国主义那种过于阳刚和功利的审美观不同的理念。22

Astro Boy is a high-tech superhero whose powers are tamed by the innocent cuteness that makes him a boy for ever. Always available to help those in need, he remains a national icon to this day.21 Like other characters created by Tezuka, he represents a childlike purity that offered Japan a chance to leave behind the imperialist ideology that had led the country into a disastrous war. By making his protagonists cute, Tezuka could 107express an alternative to the overtly masculine and utilitarian aesthetic that had informed Japan’s fascist imperialism.22

手冢治虫之所以能做到这一点,并非仅仅因为他笔下人物的外貌。事实上,可爱的角色此前曾被用于完全相反的用途,例如追求法西斯主义或帝国主义的目标。例如,一些战前的日本动画将殖民地人民描绘成可爱的动物,乐于帮助日本人建造飞机跑道或军事基地。23

It wasn’t the look of his characters alone that enabled Tezuka to do this. In fact, cute characters had previously been used in precisely the opposite manner, in the pursuit of fascist or imperialist goals. Some pre-war Japanese animation, for example, portrayed colonial people as cute animals, happy to help the Japanese construct an airstrip or military base.23

虽然铁臂阿童木看起来像个孩子,但手冢治虫漫画的叙事却远非幼稚。童真的特质让角色能够展现出青少年的特质,在权力和地位的争夺中,他们为那些所谓的成熟成年人的行为提供了一种另类的诠释。

Although Astro Boy looks like a kid, the narratives in Tezuka’s manga are far from childish. Childlike features allow characters to personify juvenile characteristics, through which they offer an alternative to the actions of supposedly mature adults in stories concerning the struggle for power and status.

漫画和动画学者托马斯·拉马尔指出,阿童木完美诠释了古尔德的“逆生长”理论;这个机器人男孩永远无法长大,这让手冢治虫得以将童真美德展现为进步的价值观。阿童木的可爱为成熟、强壮、有力者必然战胜幼弱、无害者这一假设提供了另一种可能性——他年少的天真与他机械的身体一样,都是力量的源泉。因此,拉马尔认为,我们不应将可爱局限于洛伦兹儿童图式中所描绘的一系列视觉属性;我们应该将其视为一种与行动相关的事物,而不仅仅是外表。24

The manga and anime scholar Thomas Lamarre points out that Astro Boy presents a perfect example of Gould’s ‘growth in reverse’; the fact that this robot boy can never grow up allows Tezuka to present childlike virtues as progressive values. Astro Boy’s cuteness offers an alternative to the assumption that the mature, strong and powerful must prevail over the young, weak and harmless – his youthful naivety is as much a source of strength as his robot body is. For this reason, Lamarre argues that we shouldn’t see cuteness as limited to the set of visual attributes depicted in Lorenz’s child schema; we should recognise it as something that involves action rather than mere appearance.24

如果天真和幼稚是可爱唯一的优势,我们仍然会陷入浪漫主义的观念,认为童年是失落的伊甸园。然而,幼态持续也包括幼年行为,例如友善、好奇心、心理可塑性和灵活性。扩展可爱的定义,将这些特质纳入其中,不仅有助于解释米老鼠和铁臂阿童木等文化偶像的流行,还能为人类的进化开辟新的视角。

If innocence and naivety were the only strengths associated with cuteness, we’d still be trapped in the Romantic notion that childhood is a lost Eden. However, neoteny also includes juvenile behaviours such as friendliness, curiosity, mental plasticity and flexibility. Expanding the definition of cuteness to include these qualities not only helps explain the popularity of cultural icons like Mickey Mouse and Astro Boy; it also opens another view into our evolution.

“进步的行进”是一幅著名的人类进化阶段图108。左边是一只猿猴,指关节着地。接下来是各种类人猿,每个类人猿的站姿都略微挺直,身高也略微升高。这条线最终到达智人,大步迈向光明的未来。这种线性渐进的进化观念在科学界已遭质疑,但在文化领域却依然存在。另一方面,幼态持续则挑战了成熟是进步行进的观念。

The March of Progress is a famous illustration of the supposed 108stages of human evolution. One the left is an ape, its knuckles on the ground. Various hominids follow, each standing a little straighter and taller. The line culminates in Homo sapiens, striding off into a bright future. This idea of evolution as linear and progressive has been discredited in the scientific community, but it endures in culture at large. On the other hand, neoteny challenges the idea of maturity as a march of progress.

米老鼠、泰迪熊、家养动物以及人类都具有幼态持续性。此外,正如手塚在《铁臂阿童木》中所展现的那样,幼年特质延续到成年期也蕴含着潜在的益处。起初看似单纯的对可爱的偏好,如今却似乎隐藏着深刻的内涵。接下来,我们将聚焦幼态持续性的一个特定特征,探索这些深层含义,它为我们打开了一扇通往可爱灵魂的窗户。

Mickey Mouse, teddy bears, domesticated animals and human beings are all neotenous. Furthermore, as Tezuka’s work on Astro Boy shows, the persistence of juvenile traits into adulthood offers potential benefits. What at first seemed like a mere preference for cuteness now appears to have hidden depths. Next, we’ll explore those depths by focusing on a specific feature of neoteny that provides a window into the soul of the cute.

我们的眼白

The whites of our eyes

手冢治虫运用幼态持续的关键技巧在于其角色的大眼睛。大眼睛是早期报纸漫画和迪士尼动画中可爱角色的特征,但手冢治虫让它们更加突出。大眼睛占据了页面上更多的空白,不仅可爱,还能通过展现角色的感受来吸引读者的注意力——手冢治虫的技巧背后有着合理的生物学原理。

A key technique in Tezuka’s deployment of neoteny lies in his characters’ large eyes. Big eyes were a feature of the cute characters in the earliest newspaper cartoons as well as in Disney animation, but Tezuka made them even more prominent. Large eyes that encompass more white space on the page are not only cute, but also capture the readers’ attention by showing us what the characters are feeling – and there are sound biological principles behind Tezuka’s technique.

猫咪那双神秘的眼睛,如同狗狗那双充满灵性的眼睛,瞳孔之外完全是彩色的。人类是唯一拥有白色巩膜(眼球外层)的物种,25而且我们的眼睛比其他灵长类动物的眼睛要长得多。26这些差异非常有用。首先,它们使我们的眼睛更加显眼;当我们直视前方时,人类眼睛中可见的白色区域是猩猩棕色巩膜的三倍。27其次 109,我们从很小的时候就被眼白所吸引。儿童和成人都喜欢带有可见白色巩膜的毛绒玩具。28追随他人的目光对于发展社会认知至关重要——实验发现,类人猿更多地追随头部运动而不是眼球运动,而人类婴儿几乎完全追随眼球运动。29此外,七个月大的婴儿甚至在意识形成之前就能对眼白闪现的社交暗示(例如恐惧的目光)做出快速反应。30

The enigmatic eyes of cats, like the soulful eyes of dogs, are entirely coloured outside the pupil. Humans are the only species with a white sclera, the outer coating that surrounds the eyeball,25 and our eyes are extraordinarily elongated compared to those of other primates.26 These differences are extremely useful. First, they make our eyes more visible; there’s three times more white area visible in human eyes when we are looking straight ahead than in the brown sclerae of orangutans.27 109Second, we are drawn to the whites of the eyes from a very young age. Both children and adults prefer stuffed animals with visible white sclerae.28 Following the gaze of others is important for developing social cognition – experiments have found that great apes follow head movements more than eye movements, while human babies follow eye movements almost exclusively.29 In addition, seven-month-old infants quickly respond to social cues flashed by the whites of eyes, such as fearful gazes, even before conscious awareness is possible.30

成年后,我们的眼睛会传达我们在群体中的存在感。研究人员在办公室的“诚信箱”上贴上眼贴,用于支付咖啡费用,结果发现人们贡献的金额几乎增加了30%。31根据“合作眼假说”,32白色巩膜进化源于人类对更高层次的社交互动的需求,这种互动需要相互关注和合作。33其他动物没有白色巩膜,因为它们更容易被捕食者发现;而我们必须拥有白色巩膜,因为沟通优势大于危险。这的确是一个偶然的突变——但或许它只是某种更大机制的一部分。

After we mature, our eyes signal our presence in a community. When researchers placed eye stickers on an ‘honesty box’ for coffee expenses at an office, they found that people contributed almost 30 per cent more money.31 According to a theory known as the ‘cooperative eye hypothesis’,32 white sclerae evolved due to the human need for enhanced levels of social interaction that require mutual attention and cooperation.33 Other animals don’t have white sclerae because they make them too visible to predators; we must have them because the communicative advantages outweighed the dangers. A fortuitous mutation indeed – but perhaps it was part of something much larger.

一项新理论将白色巩膜置于驯化综合症的框架内,驯化综合症是家养动物共有的一系列生理和行为特征。34听起来可能很奇怪——毕竟,人类是唯一拥有大白眼的动物——但家养动物,从狗和猫到马和牛,通常脸上有白色斑纹,爪子上有白色袜子。似乎造成我们眼白和宠物白袜子的生物学机制可以回答达尔文关于驯化的一个问题:如果没有人刻意选择,这些不同的特征怎么会出现?但这项新假设不仅解释了家养动物之间的相似性,还为我们在动物王国中的地位提供了一个完全不同的视角。它还将可爱视为人类的核心。110

A new theory places white sclerae within the framework of the domestication syndrome, the suite of physical and behavioural traits common to domesticated animals.34 This might sound strange – after all, humans are the only animals that have large white eyes – but domesticated animals, from dogs and cats to horses and cows, often have white blazes on their faces or white socks on their paws. It seems that the biological mechanism responsible for both the whites of our eyes and our pets’ white socks may answer one of Darwin’s questions about domestication: how could these different traits appear if no one was deliberately selecting them? But this new hypothesis goes beyond explaining the similarities among domesticated animals to offer a completely different view of our place in the animal kingdom. It also places cuteness at the heart of being human. 110

神经嵴

The neural crest

格雷戈尔·孟德尔在豌豆上的开创性研究表明,一个基因可以使植物呈现黄色,而另一个基因可以使植物呈现绿色。但现在我们知道,有些基因功能多样。它们不仅能控制身体的不同特征,还能控制发育的时间。这完全取决于它们调控身体的哪个部位。35

Gregor Mendel’s pioneering work on pea plants showed that one gene can make a yellow plant while another can make one green, but we now know that some genes have many jobs. They can control not only different features of the body but also the timing at which development occurs. It all depends on which part of the body they regulate.35

所有脊椎动物的胚胎在受孕几周后,都会发育出特殊的细胞,这些细胞出现在脊柱即将生长的位置。这些神经嵴细胞是一种干细胞,它们会迁移到身体的各个部位,协助不同性状的发育。它们数量的轻微减少、迁移的延迟或增殖能力的下降,都会对其调控的诸多特征产生不同的影响,36其中许多特征与驯化综合症有关。例如,当这些细胞向动物的头部、腿部和尾部移动时,它们会影响黑色素的生成;如果它们没有完全到达这些末端,就会导致额头、爪子和尾尖出现白色的毛发斑块——或者人类的眼睛出现白斑。37

A few weeks after conception, the embryos of all vertebrates develop special cells that appear where the spine will grow. A type of stem cell, these neural-crest cells migrate to various parts of the body to assist in the development of different traits. A slight reduction in their number, a delay in their migration or a reduced ability to proliferate produces different results in the many features they regulate,36 a striking number of which are associated with the domestication syndrome. For example, when these cells move towards an animal’s head, legs and tail they affect the production of melanin; if they never quite arrive at these extremities, the result is white patches of fur on foreheads, paws and the tip of tails – or white eyes in humans.37

神经嵴细胞还会影响耳朵和尾巴软骨的发育。细胞减少会导致耳朵松软,尾巴变短且卷曲。达尔文发现,松软的耳朵在狗、猪和驯服的西伯利亚狐中最为常见,但在所有家养哺乳动物中都可能出现。38 这些细胞也以类似的方式影响颌骨和牙齿的发育:这些区域的细胞减少导致家养动物的颌骨小、鼻子短、脸扁平、牙齿较小。39 这些家养特征也具有幼态持续成年狗看起来更像狼崽而不是成年狼,因为狼在成熟时会失去这些特征,而狗不会。因此,如果家养动物像人类一样具有幼态持续性,并且它们是由于神经嵴调控的变化而变成这样的,那么人类是否像狗和猫一样被驯化了?

Neural-crest cells also affect the development of cartilage in the ears and tail. Fewer cells cause floppy ears and shorter, curly tails. Darwin found that floppy ears, most common in dogs, pigs and the tame Siberian foxes, can appear in every domesticated mammalian species.38 These cells also affect the development of the jaw and teeth in a similar way: fewer cells in these areas account for the small jaws, short snouts, flat faces and smaller teeth of domesticated animals.39 These features of domestication are also neotenous. An adult dog looks more like a wolf pup than an adult wolf because wolves lose these characteristics as they mature, while dogs do not. So if domesticated animals are neotenous like humans, and they became so due to changes regulated by the neural crest, then are humans domesticated like dogs and cats?

这一理论存在一个大问题。神经嵴细胞111也会影响大脑发育;如果神经嵴细胞出现得更慢或数量更少,大脑发育就会更慢,最终体积也会更小。家养动物的大脑比它们的野生祖先要小,这一特征与神经嵴细胞活性降低有关。40然而,人类的大脑却很大。家养动物和人类在幼态外观上的相似之处肯定到此为止了,但我们也应该考虑我们头骨的形状。

There is one big problem with this theory. Neural-crest cells 111also affect brain development; if they arrive more slowly or in fewer numbers, the brain will grow more slowly and end up smaller. Domesticated animals have smaller brains than their wild forebears, a trait that has been linked to reduced neural-crest-cell activity.40 Humans, however, have large brains. The parallel between the neotenous appearance of domesticated animals and human beings surely must end here, but we should also consider the shape of our skulls.

人类头骨最独特的特征是其球形,这使得我们的头部呈圆形,像气球一样。正如布莱恩·黑尔和凡妮莎·威廉姆斯所说,尼安德特人的头部形状像橄榄球。再往前追溯,直立人的头部呈面包状。41

The most unique feature of the human skull is its globular shape, which makes our heads rounded, like balloons. As Brian Hare and Vanessa Williams put it, Neanderthal heads were shaped like footballs. Going back even further, Homo erectus had a loaf-shaped head.41

我们出生时,大脑只有成年人的25%,但大脑会快速生长,使幼儿拥有洛伦兹儿童图式中出现的圆圆大头。42神经嵴细胞影响大多数颅骨的发育,导致我们头部呈圆形。43此外,球形头骨为我们的大脑做好了更高级的认知能力和语言发展的准备。44

We’re born with brains that are only 25 per cent of their adult size, but they grow rapidly, giving young children the large, round heads that appear in Lorenz’s child schema.42 Neural-crest cells affect the development of most cranial bones, resulting in our rounded heads.43 In addition, globular skulls prepare our brains for higher cognitive abilities and language development.44

这表明神经嵴细胞的影响不仅限于外观。事实上,它们在调节压力、恐惧和攻击性的系统发育中发挥着重要作用。45神经嵴细胞迁移延迟,可能是由于早期发育过程中血清素较多所致,导致肾上腺缩小,应激反应降低。46血清素水平升高,使西伯利亚狐狸的性格更加平静、友善,这是西伯利亚狐狸身上最早出现的变化之一。血清素水平升高是驯化特征之一,也是上述家养动物大脑萎缩以及我们大脑呈气球状的最可能原因。47

This suggests that the effects of neural-crest cells are not limited to appearance. In fact they have a significant role in the development of the systems that regulate stress, fear and aggression.45 Delays in neural-crest-cell migration, possibly due to more serotonin in early development, result in smaller adrenal glands and lowered stress responses.46 Increased serotonin, which makes for a calmer, more friendly personality, was one of the first changes noted in the Siberian foxes. One of the hallmarks of domestication, an increase in serotonin is also the most likely reason for both the brain shrinkage in domesticated animals noted above and for our balloon-shaped heads.47

一些被认为是人类独有的特征,例如白色的眼睛和圆圆的头,似乎正是使动物比112野生动物更温顺、更友好、更可爱的一系列特征的一部分。神经嵴假说将幼态外观与这些社会行为联系起来。综合起来,它们构成了一幅路线图,揭示了可爱如何影响我们以及我们伴侣动物的进化。

Some of the traits considered unique to humans, such as white eyes and round heads, seem to be part of the suite of traits that make animals tamer, friendlier and cuter than their 112wild counterparts. The neural-crest hypothesis links a neotenous appearance to these social behaviours. Taken together, they are a roadmap to the way cuteness may have influenced our evolution as well as that of our companion animals.

在二十世纪初的美国,青春洋溢、幼稚的外表与高度社交化的行为相结合,突然风靡一时。二十世纪从一开始就被称为“儿童的世纪”。“可爱”(cute)一词正是在这场热潮兴起之前获得了现代意义。在继续探讨可爱如何影响人类进化之前,让我们先回顾一下它在美国文化中的兴起。

In early-twentieth-century America the combination of a youthful, neotenous appearance and highly social behaviour suddenly exploded in popularity. From its very beginning, the twentieth century was called ‘the century of the child’. The word ‘cute’ attained its modern meaning just before this boom commenced. Before continuing to discern how cuteness may have influenced our evolution, let’s turn back to its rise in American culture.

笔记

Notes

1 Robert A. Hinde 和 Les A. Barden,《泰迪熊的进化》,《动物行为》 33(1985 年),第 1371-1373 页。

1 Robert A. Hinde and Les A. Barden, ‘The Evolution of the Teddy Bear’, Animal Behavior 33 (1985), pp. 1371–3.

2 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 54 页。

2 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 54.

3 Hinde 和 Barden,《泰迪熊的进化》,第 1371 页。

3 Hinde and Barden, ‘The Evolution of the Teddy Bear’, p. 1371.

4 Miriam Formanek-Brunell,《玩偶之家:1830-1930 年美国女孩的商业化》(巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,1993 年),第 93 页,注释 3。

4 Miriam Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House: Dolls and the Commericialization of American Girlhood 1830–1930 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), p. 93 n.3.

5 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 54 页。

5 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 54.

6这种趋势并非仅限于美式可爱。哥斯拉,一只沉睡的史前巨兽,被美国原子弹试验的核辐射唤醒,也经历了类似的演变。正如加藤典宏所指出的,随着哥斯拉系列的延续,这只曾经令人恐惧的怪兽组建了家庭,并生下了一个可爱的小宝宝,名叫米尼拉。如今,在东京御宅族圣地叶原出售的许多哥斯拉模型都被美化得可爱起来,看起来也更像“卡哇伊”222了(加藤典宏,《再见哥斯拉,凯蒂猫:日式可爱的起源与意义》, 《美国利益》(2006年9/10月刊),第78页)。

6 This trend is not limited to American cute. Godzilla, a slumbering prehistoric beast awakened by nuclear radiation from American atomic-bomb tests, has undergone a similar evolution. As Norihiro Katō points out, as the Godzilla series continued, the once-fearsome monster started a family and had an adorable baby named Minilla. Now many of the Godzilla miniatures on sale in Tokyo’s otaku mecca of Akahabara have been cutified to look kawaii (Norihiro Katō, ‘Goodbye Godzilla, Hello Kitty: The Origins and Meaning of 222Japanese Cuteness’, The American Interest (September/October, 2006), p. 78.

7 Thomas M. Inge,《米老鼠》,载于 Dennis Hall 和 Susan G. Hall 编辑的《美国偶像》(康涅狄格州:格林伍德出版集团,2006 年),第 473 页。

7 Thomas M. Inge, ‘Mickey Mouse’, in Dennis Hall and Susan G. Hall, eds, American Icons (Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006), p. 473.

8同上,第 475 页。

8 Ibid., p. 475.

9斯蒂芬·杰伊·古尔德,《向米老鼠的生物学致敬》,载《熊猫的拇指:自然历史的更多思考》(纽约:诺顿,1980 年),第 104 页。

9 Stephen Jay Gould, ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’, in The Panda’s Thumb: More Reflections in Natural History (New York: Norton, 1980), p. 104.

10 1932年,华特·迪士尼致力于将自己的电影做得尽可能可爱。负责《三只小猪》的动画师弗雷德·摩尔运用动画师所谓的“拉伸和挤压”技术,将小猪角色从一个可爱的形状变形为另一个可爱的形状。这些小猪的可塑性丝毫没有《威利号汽船》中那种怪诞的扭曲,相反,摩尔赋予了它们可爱的感觉、个性和魅力。迈克尔·巴里尔,《动画人:华特·迪士尼的一生》(加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2007年),第95页。后来,摩尔负责创造《白雪公主和七个小矮人》中小矮人的可爱造型。巴里尔写道,多亏了摩尔的努力:“小矮人经历了幼态进化,变得更年轻(尽管他们的胡须和下巴都是白色的),更可爱,也更具有吸引力。”迈克尔·巴里尔,《好莱坞卡通:黄金时代的美国动画》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2003 年),第 202 页。

10 By 1932 Walt Disney was focused on making his films as cute as possible. Animator Fred Moore, assigned to Three Little Pigs, used the elasticity that animators called ‘stretch and squash’ to morph the porcine characters from one appealing shape to another. There was nothing of the grotesque contortions of Steamboat Willie in the pigs’ plasticity: rather, Moore infused them with cute feeling, personality and charm. Michael Barrier, The Animated Man: A Life of Walt Disney (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2007), p. 95. Later, Moore was responsible for creating the cute look of the dwarfs in Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. As Barrier writes, thanks to Moore’s efforts: ‘The dwarfs went through a neotenic evolution, growing younger (despite their white beards and jowls), cuddlier, and more immediately appealing.’ Michael Barrier, Hollywood Cartoons: American Animation in Its Golden Age (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 202.

11 Gould,《向米老鼠的生物学致敬》,第 104 页。

11 Gould, ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’, p. 104.

12 Stephen Jay Gould,《个体发育和系统发育》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1977 年)第 401-2 页。

12 Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977) pp. 401–2.

13 Šimić 等人,《自我驯化的分子、机制和障碍:从进化角度理解情绪和社会沟通的关键》,《生物分子》 11, 2(2020 年 12 月 22 日),第 13 页,dx.doi.org/10.3390/biom11010002。

13 Šimić et al., ‘Molecules, Mechanisms, and Disorders of Self-Domestication: Keys for Understanding Emotional and Social Communication from an Evolutionary Perspective’, Biomolecules 11, 2 (22 December 2020), p. 13, dx.doi.org/10.3390/biom11010002.

14 Lorenz,《动物和人类行为研究》,第 2 卷,第 173-179 页。

14 Lorenz, Studies in Animal and Human Behavior, Vol. 2, pp. 173–9.

15 Gould,个体发育和系统发育,第 365 页。

15 Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny, p. 365.

16 Gary Genosko,《可爱的本质与文化》,《隐形文化——视觉文化电子期刊》 9(2005),np

16 Gary Genosko, ‘Natures and Cultures of Cuteness’, Invisble Culture – An Electronic Journal for Visual Culture 9 (2005), n.p.

17纳皮尔,《从印象派到动漫》,第 17 页。 37. 另请参阅太田纪念美术馆,“浮世绘真的是作为陶瓷包装纸飘洋过海吗?” (浮世絵が陶磁器の包み纸として海を渡った223のは本当?という话)(2021年2月27日),奥塔基恩博物馆。 note.jp/n/n01248684801c(2022 年 9 月 5 日访问)。

17 Napier, From Impressionism to Anime, p. 37. See also Ota Memorial Museum of Art, ‘Is it true that Ukiyo-e crossed the sea as wrapping paper for ceramics?’ (浮世絵が陶磁器の包み紙として海を渡っ223たのは本当?という話) (27 February 2021), otakinen-museum. note.jp/n/n01248684801c (accessed 5 September 2022).

18 Anne Allison,《千禧怪物:日本玩具与全球想象力》(加州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2006 年)第 53 页。

18 Anne Allison, Millennial Monsters: Japanese Toys and the Global Imagination (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006) p. 53.

19 Thomas Lamarre,《物种歧视,第三部分:幼态延续与生命政治》,《Mechademia》第6卷(2011年),第125页。这种影响很可能是双向的。手冢治虫的作品《白狮金巴》与迪士尼的《狮子王》颇为相似。

19 Thomas Lamarre, ‘Speciesism, Part III: Neoteny and the Politics of Life’, Mechademia 6 (2011), p. 125. The influence may have well gone both ways. Tezuka’s work Kimba the White Lion was quite similar to Disney’s The Lion King.

20 Allison,《千禧年》,第 59 页。

20 Allison, Millennial, p. 59.

21同上,第57-60页。铁臂阿童木也是第一部电视动画的主角。这部动画引发了儿童文化的新潮流——改编自热门漫画的动画片衍生出利润丰厚的玩具商品,并被一次又一次地成功复制。

21 Ibid., pp. 57–60. Astro Boy was also the hero of the first television anime series. It triggered a new trend in children’s culture – namely, cartoons drawn from previously popular comics that engendered profitable lines of toy merchandise – that was copied successfully time and again.

22 Slade,《当代日本的可爱男人》,第 79-80 页。

22 Slade, ‘Cute men in contemporary Japan’, pp. 79–80.

23 Lamarre,《物种歧视,第三部分》,第 78 页。

23 Lamarre, ‘Speciesism, Part III’, p. 78.

24同上,第 125-126 页。

24 Ibid., pp. 125–6.

25 Nancy L. Segal 等人,“成人、儿童和自闭症谱系障碍儿童对可见白色巩膜的偏好:合作眼假说的影响”,进化与人类行为37,1(2016 年 1 月),第 35-9 页,doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2015.06.006。

25 Nancy L. Segal et al., ‘Preferences for Visible White Sclera in Adults, Children and Autism Spectrum Disorder Children: Implications of the Cooperative Eye Hypothesis’, Evolution and Human Behavior 37, 1 (January 2016), pp. 35–9, doi.org/10.1016/j. evolhumbehav.2015.06.006.

26 H. Kobayashi 和 S. Kohshima,“人类眼睛的独特形态及其适应性意义”:灵长类动物眼睛外部形态的比较研究”,人类进化杂志40,5(2001 年 5 月),第 419-35 页,doi:10.1006/jhev.2001.0468。

26 H. Kobayashi and S. Kohshima, ‘“Unique Morphology of the Human Eye and its Adaptive Meaning”: Comparative Studies on External Morphology of the Primate Eye’, Journal of Human Evolution 40, 5 (May 2001), pp. 419–35, doi:10.1006/jhev.2001.0468.

27 G. Kaplan 和 LJ Rogers,《猩猩的凝视模式》,《国际灵长类学杂志》第 23 卷(2002 年),第 501-526 页,doi.org/10.1023/A:1014913532057。

27 G. Kaplan and L. J. Rogers, ‘Patterns of Gazing in Orangutans’, International Journal of Primatology 23 (2002), pp. 501–26, doi.org/10.1023/A:1014913532057.

28 Segal 等人,《成人、儿童和自闭症儿童对可见白色巩膜的偏好》,第 35-9 页。

28 Segal et al., ‘Preferences for Visible White Sclera in Adults, Children and Autism Spectrum Disorder Children’, pp. 35–9.

29 Michael Tomasello 等人,“类人猿和人类婴儿的凝视跟随中对头部与眼睛的依赖:合作眼动假说”,《人类进化杂志》 52(2007 年),第 314-20 页,doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2006.10.001。

29 Michael Tomasello et al., ‘Reliance on Head Versus Eyes in the Gaze Following of Great Apes and Human Infants: the Cooperative Eye Hypothesis’, Journal of Human Evolution 52 (2007), pp. 314–20, doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2006.10.001.

30 Sarah Jessen 和 Tobias Grossman,《婴儿大脑中眼部线索的处理》,《美国国家科学院院刊》 11,45(2014 年 11 月),第 16208-13 页,doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1411333111。224

30 Sarah Jessen and Tobias Grossman, ‘Processing Eye Cues in the Infant Brain’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 11, 45 (November 2014), pp. 16208–13, doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1411333111. 224

31 Melissa Bateson 等人,《被观察的线索增强了现实世界中的合作》,《生物学快报》 2(2006 年),第 412-14 页,doi:10.1098/rsbl.2006.0509。

31 Melissa Bateson et al., ‘Cues of Being Watched Enhance Cooperation in a Real-World Setting’, Biology Letters 2 (2006), pp. 412–14, doi:10.1098/rsbl.2006.0509.

32 Tomasello 等人,《依赖头部而非眼睛》。

32 Tomasello et al., ‘Reliance on Head Versus Eyes’.

33 Jessen 和 Grossman,“婴儿大脑处理眼神暗示”。

33 Jessen and Grossman, ‘Processing Eye Cues in the Infant Brain’.

34 Brian Hare,《友善生存:智人通过亲社会选择进化》,《心理学年鉴》 68,1(2017),第 155-186 页,doi:10.1146/annurev-psych-010416-044201。

34 Brian Hare, ‘Survival of the Friendliest: Homo sapiens Evolved via Selection for Prosociality’, Annual Review of Psychology 68, 1 (2017), pp. 155–86, doi:10.1146/annurev-psych-010416-044201.

35布莱恩·黑尔 (Brian Hare) 和凡妮莎·伍兹 (Vanessa Woods),《最友善者的生存:理解我们的起源并重新发现我们共同的人性》 (纽约:兰登书屋,2020 年),第 83 页。

35 Brian Hare and Vanessa Woods, Survival of the Friendliest: Understanding Our Origins and Rediscovering Our Common Humanity (New York: Random House, 2020), p. 83.

36 Wilkins 等人,《哺乳动物的“驯化综合症”》,第 795-808 页。

36 Wilkins et al., ‘The “Domestication Syndrome” in Mammals’, pp. 795–808.

37同上。有关巩膜,请参阅Hare,《最友善者的生存》,第155-186页。

37 Ibid. For sclerae, see Hare, ‘Survival of the Friendliest’, pp. 155–86.

38查尔斯·达尔文,《家养动物和植物的变异》,第二卷(伦敦:默里出版社,1868年)。人类的耳朵可能太小,以至于神经嵴细胞迁移的延迟不会产生任何影响。参见理查德·兰厄姆,《善意悖论:人类进化中美德与暴力的奇怪关系》(纽约:万神殿出版社,2019年),第80页。

38 Charles Darwin, The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication, Vol. 2 (London: Murray, 1868). Human ears may be too small for the delay in neural-crest cell migration to have any effect. See Richard Wrangham, The Goodness Paradox: The Strange Relationship Between Virtue and Violence in Human Evolution (New York: Pantheon Books, 2019), p. 80.

39 Šimić 等人,《自我驯化的分子、机制和障碍》,第 1-39 页。

39 Šimić et al., ‘Molecules, Mechanisms, and Disorders of Self-Domestication’, pp. 1–39.

40 Wilkins 等人,《哺乳动物的“驯化综合症”,第 795 页。解剖学意义上的现代人类的大脑是否比我们的祖先更小仍有争议,但我们的头骨尺寸一直在缩小。参见 Šimić 等人,《自我驯化的分子、机制和障碍》,以及 Hare 和 Woods,《最友善物种的生存》

40 Wilkins et al., ‘The “Domestication Syndrome” in Mammals, p. 795. Whether or not anatomically modern humans have smaller brains than our forebears is still under contention, but the size of our skulls has been shrinking. See Šimić et al., ‘Molecules, Mechanisms, and Disorders of Self-Domestication’, and Hare and Woods, Survival of the Friendliest.

41 Hare and Woods,《最友善者生存》,第 71-2 页。

41 Hare and Woods, Survival of the Friendliest, pp. 71–2.

42 Hare,《最友善者生存》,第 174 页。

42 Hare, ‘Survival of the Friendliest’, p. 174.

43 Šimić 等人,“自我驯化的分子、机制和障碍”。另请参阅 A. Benítez-Burraco 等人,“由于人类大脑驯化失败导致自闭症患者语言障碍”,《神经科学前沿》 10,373(2016 年 8 月 29 日),doi:10.3389/fnins.2016.00373。

43 Šimić et al., ‘Molecules, Mechanisms, and Disorders of Self-Domestication’. See also A. Benítez-Burraco et al., ‘Language Impairments in ASD Resulting from a Failed Domestication of the Human Brain’, Frontiers in Neuroscience 10, 373 (29 August 2016), doi:10.3389/fnins.2016.00373.

44 Benítez-Burraco 等人,“自闭症谱系障碍中的语言障碍”。

44 Benítez-Burraco et al., ‘Language Impairments in ASD’.

45 Wrangham,《善良悖论》。

45 Wrangham, The Goodness Paradox.

46 Wilkins 等人,《哺乳动物的“驯化综合症”》。225

46 Wilkins et al., ‘The “Domestication Syndrome” in Mammals’. 225

47 Hare and Woods,《友善生存》,第 71-3 页。

47 Hare and Woods, Survival of the Friendliest, pp. 71–3.

“对于一个六岁的孩子来说,这难道不是一个可爱的答案吗?”这句话出现在T.H.阿瑟1841年的一篇短篇小说中。1十九世纪中叶,随着滑稽的家庭趣闻开始在杂志上流传,其中一些杂志开始使用“可爱”一词来形容儿童早熟的行为。1856年,一封致《尼克博克》(Knickerbocker )编辑的信提到了孩子们“可爱的说法”,同样的短语也出现在1857年的一期《妇女储藏室》( Ladies ' Repository)中。2读者​​很快就开始提交他们自己的家庭趣闻。文学学者安吉拉·索比(Angela Sorby)认为,这形成了一个反馈回路,读者一旦在纸上看到自己的孩子幼稚的滑稽动作,就会期待从他们身上获得“小小的快乐” 。3 114

The line ‘Wasn’t that a cute answer for a six-year-old to make?’ appears in an 1841 short story by T. H. Arthur.1 As comical domestic anecdotes began to circulate in magazines in the mid-nineteenth century, a few of them began to use the word ‘cute’ to describe the precocious behaviour of children. A letter to the editor of the Knickerbocker referred to children’s ‘cute sayings’ in 1856, and the same phrase appeared in an issue of the LadiesRepository in 1857.2 Readers soon began to submit their own domestic anecdotes. The literary scholar Angela Sorby suggests that this caused a feedback loop in which readers came to expect the ‘small jolts of pleasure’ delivered by childish antics from their own children, once they had encountered it on the page.3 114

尽管“可爱”美学在十九世纪中叶已开始在大众文化中兴起,但该词当时仍仅限于形容聪明和新奇,尚未与外貌联系起来。《牛津英语词典》将“cute”的现代用法追溯到1834年和1857年,当时该词首次被用来指代事物而非人。学者们经常将这些用法——尤其是1857年的例子“多可爱的小袜子啊!”——视为该词在现代的首次出现。4他们或许没错,但“cute”在当时通常被用作“clever”的同义词。《牛津英语词典》引用的小袜子属于洋娃娃,5而制作精良的物品可以被描述为“可爱”,无论它们看起来如何。

Although the cute aesthetic had started to emerge in popular culture by the mid-nineteenth century, the word was still limited to describing cleverness and novelty and had yet to be associated with appearance. The Oxford English Dictionary traces the modern use of ‘cute’ to 1834 and 1857, when the word was first used to refer to things rather than people. Scholars often identify these usages – especially the 1857 example, ‘What cute little socks!’ – as the word’s first modern appearances.4 They may well be right, but ‘cute’ was commonly used as a synonym for ‘clever’ at that time. The little socks cited by the OED belonged to a doll,5 and cleverly made things might be described as cute, no matter what they looked like.

然而,这仍然是重要的一步,因为此前“cute”(可爱)一词仅指狡猾的行为。到了19世纪70年代,这种情况开始发生变化。美国畅销儿童杂志《圣尼古拉斯》就是一个很好的例子。在1870年之前,该杂志将“cute”(可爱)一词用作“clever”(聪明)的同义词,将笑话、诡计和校长描述为“cute”(可爱)。到了19世纪70年代,该杂志也开始用它来描述鸟类等微小事物的外表,最后还用它来描述儿童。

This was still an important step, however, as previously ‘cute’ had been applied only to cunning behaviour. In the 1870s this began to change. St. Nicholas magazine, a popular American children’s periodical, provides a telling example. Before 1870 it used the word as a synonym for clever, describing jokes, tricks and schoolmasters as cute. In the 1870s the magazine also began to use it to describe the appearance of diminutive things like birds and, finally, children.

1872年,一本类似出版物《我们的年轻人》刊登了一篇故事,讲述了一个五岁男孩醒来后发现婴儿服不见了。他的母亲给他穿上一件“漂亮的格子夹克”,上面有白色褶边、金色纽扣、裤子,领结上系着一个小蝴蝶结:“他看起来真可爱!”她惊呼道。6虽然这种成人给孩子穿上复古服装的爱好可以追溯到18世纪的儿童肖像画,但它却花了一百年的时间才被称为“可爱” 。7

In an 1872 story from a similar publication called Our Young Folks, a five-year-old boy wakes up to find his baby clothes missing. His mother dresses him in a ‘pretty plaid jacket’ with white ruffles, gold-coloured buttons, pantaloons and a little bow for a cravat: ‘How cute he looks!’ she exclaims.6 While this adult penchant for dressing children in vintage costumes dated back to eighteenth-century child portraiture, it had taken a hundred years to be called cute.7

不久之后,成人杂志开始采用这种新用法,将“cute”视为一种俚语。1890年,《哈泼周刊》刊登了一篇题为《狗界君主》的文章,其中描绘了一位时髦的年轻女性用这个词来形容一只中国哈巴狗的脸。8这个词现代含义的出现并非偶然。它诞生于“可爱”在流行文化中日益流行的时代115。20世纪初,这种审美观念以前所未有的方式蓬勃发展。

A little later adults’ magazines began to adopt the new usage by treating ‘cute’ as a form of slang. An 1890 Harper’s Weekly article entitled ‘Monarchs of Dogdom’ imagines a trendy young woman, using the word to describe a Chinese pug’s face.8 The arrival of the word’s modern meaning was no accident. It came at a time when cuteness was increasingly visible in popular 115culture. In the early twentieth century the aesthetic would flower in a way it never had before.

儿童的世纪

The century of the child

伊丽莎·李·福伦(Eliza Lee Follen)的诗《三只小猫》(它们丢了手套)和莉迪亚·西格妮(Lydia Sigourney)的《关于猫》,预示着可爱猫咪的兴起,并在十九世纪逐渐增多。9随着人们对淘气的容忍度逐渐提高,它们积极的动物特质后来与孩子们联系在一起。

Eliza Lee Follen’s poem ‘Three Little Kittens’ (who lost their mittens), along with Lydia Sigourney’s ‘Concerning ye Catte’, heralded a proliferation of cute cats that slowly grew during the nineteenth century.9 Their positive animalistic qualities were later associated with children, as the new tolerance for naughtiness spread.

这一进程在十九世纪末期开始稳步推进,维多利亚时代的道德严肃性开始演变成对童年的全新欣赏。蒙田曾谴责将儿童视为表演猴子,如今三个世纪过去了,儿童逐渐被视为一种娱乐方式,而享受这种新娱乐方式的方式也随之激增。

This process was well under way by the late nineteenth century, as the Victorian air of moral seriousness began to evolve into a new appreciation of childhood. Three centuries since Montaigne had railed against viewing children as performing monkeys, they became valued as a source of diversion – and ways of enjoying this new form of entertainment proliferated.

PT·巴纳姆的另一个奇思妙想是将两个小人物——拇指汤姆将军(查尔斯·斯特拉顿饰)和拉维尼亚·沃伦——的婚礼推广成一场公众盛会。这场婚礼于1863年举行,吸引了全国人民的目光,第二天林肯总统就接见了这对新婚夫妇。10 《纽约时报》的一篇关于这场婚礼的文章列举了众多慕名而来的人群的赞美之词,据估计,当时有两万名女性出席。这场婚礼被誉为“漂亮”、“优雅”、“美丽”、“女王般”、“迷人”、“亲切”和“可爱”。“可爱”这个词或许没有被提及,但接下来发生的事情表明,流行文化越来越倾向于用这个新词来形容这场盛会。

Another of P. T. Barnum’s brainstorms was to promote the marriage of two little people, General Tom Thumb (Charles Stratton) and Lavinia Warren, as a public spectacle. Held in 1863, the wedding captured the imagination of the entire nation, with the newly-weds received by President Lincoln the following day.10 A New York Times article about the event includes a list of compliments rained down by the admiring crowd, estimated to include 20,000 women. The wedding was called pretty, graceful, beautiful, queenly, charming, dear and lovely. The word ‘cute’ may have been absent, but what happened next shows how popular culture was increasingly attuned to spectacles that would shortly be described by this new word.

很快,美国各地的城镇都纷纷效仿斯特拉顿和沃伦的婚礼,为两个孩子“结婚”。这些“拇指婚礼”一直延续到20世纪,而且可能非常116隆重。一场婚礼中,多达50个孩子可能被分配到不同的角色,而成年人则在一旁观看。11这类婚礼的出版指南建议使用精致的服装,并包含充满讽刺意味的誓言,例如新郎承诺完成的家务的详细承诺。12就像婴儿秀一样,“拇指婚礼”为成年人,尤其是女性,开辟了一个在公共场合享受可爱的地方。13

Soon towns and cities across America were holding their own versions of Stratton and Warren’s wedding ceremony by ‘marrying’ two children. These ‘Tom Thumb weddings’ endured well into the twentieth century and could be very 116elaborate. As many as fifty children might be allocated a role in a single event, as adults watched from the sidelines.11 Published guides for such weddings advised on the use of elaborate costumes and contained scripts filled with satirical vows, such as detailed promises about the household chores that the groom promised to perform.12 Like baby shows, Tom Thumb weddings carved out a space for adults, and especially women, to enjoy cuteness in public.13

从19世纪70年代开始,以吸引儿童为主题的舞台剧开始受到成年人的欢迎。14这类作品的戏剧评论常常宣称,它们“适合所有年龄段的儿童”,这是巴纳姆成名的一句话。15诸如婴儿秀和儿童婚礼之类的活动,加上舞台上儿童角色的激增,让成年人学会了将儿童视为一种奇观,一个充满娱乐性的怀旧人物。16

From the 1870s stage plays designed to appeal to children became popular with adults.14 Theatrical reviews of such productions would often proclaim that they were ‘for children of all ages’, to use a phrase for which Barnum became known.15 Events like the baby shows and child weddings, combined with the boom in child characters appearing onstage, taught adults to see the child as a spectacle, an entertaining nostalgic figure.16

拥抱孩子的可爱,让成年人沉迷于安吉拉·索比所说的“一种追求新奇、情感释放和公共娱乐的精神”。17然而,我们稍后会看到,直到人们意识到孩子们的淘气可以被公众欣赏,可爱审美才真正流行起来。18

Embracing the cuteness of children enabled adults to indulge in what Angela Sorby calls ‘an ethos of novelty, emotional release, and public entertainment’.17 However, we’ll see later on that the aesthetic of cute didn’t really take off until the idea emerged that children’s naughtiness could be publicly appreciated.18

1880年至1920年间,儿童在跨大西洋大众文化中占据着如此重要的地位,以至于作家们将这种现象称为“儿童崇拜”,并宣称二十世纪是“儿童的世纪”。19一个可能的原因是,人们对消费资本主义兴起所引发的阶级分化和种族紧张局势感到担忧。由于成年人认为童年与成年期的腐败相距甚远,儿童角色成为了能够化解这些紧张局势的人物,至少在书页或舞台上,它们能够帮助人们和睦相处。20

Children were so central to transatlantic mass culture between 1880 and 1920 that writers dubbed the phenomenon the ‘cult of the child’ and proclaimed the twentieth century to be ‘the century of the child’.19 One possible reason concerned anxieties about class stratification and racial tensions, caused by the rise of consumer capitalism. Because adults presumed that childhood was remote from the corruptions of adulthood, child characters became figures who could defuse these tensions and, at least on the page or onstage, help everyone get along.20

新的美国可爱美学带有一种无政府主义的特质,将感伤与嬉戏融为一体,而将“acute”(敏锐)缩写为“cute”(可爱)所带来的柔和感正是其表达的关键。正如文学学者玛拉·古巴尔(Marah Gubar)所写,到117了19世纪末,儿童已被确立为“吸引力的缩影,其魅力足以在字面上和象征意义上阻止交通”。21可爱的孩子被认为能够通过栖息在两个世界之间的边缘空间来弥合成年人之间的社会隔阂:当然,这不仅指儿童与成人之间的隔阂,也指男性与女性、贫富之间以及黑人与白人之间的隔阂。22

The new American cute aesthetic had an anarchic quality that combined sentimentality with playfulness, and the softness that accompanied the shortening of ‘acute’ to ‘cute’ was key to its expression. As the literary scholar Marah Gubar writes, by 117the late nineteenth century the child had been set up as ‘the epitome of attractiveness, a figure whose power to charm can literally and figuratively stop traffic’.21 The cute child was seen as capable of bridging social divisions among adults by inhabiting a liminal space between two worlds: between child and adult, of course, but also between male and female, rich and poor and black and white.22

就这样,一种观念逐渐深入人心:那种压倒性的可爱感可以融化人心,不受社会习俗的限制。根据不同的使用方式,这种特质既可以挑战,也可以强化19世纪和20世纪初关于当时最紧迫的社会问题之一——种族差异——的道德观念。

In this way, the idea took hold that the overwhelming feeling of cuteness could melt hearts in spite of social conventions. Depending on how it was used, this quality could either challenge or reinforce nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century mores in regard to one of the most pressing social issues of the time: racial difference.

可爱竞赛

The race to cute

PT·巴纳姆的婴儿秀被广泛模仿,但也带有明显的种族主义色彩。巴纳姆宣称,评判婴儿的标准“尤其在于他们是否是真正的美国血统”,他不允许黑人、亚裔或美洲原住民婴儿参赛。虽然爱尔兰和德国婴儿可以参赛,但报纸文章也对他们进行了批评,指责他们父母口音浓重,卫生习惯差。23

P. T. Barnum’s baby shows were widely imitated, but they were also explicitly racist. Barnum declared that the babies would be judged ‘especially on the crowning merit of their being genuine original American stock’, and he did not permit Black, Asian or Native American infants to enter. Although Irish and German babies were allowed, they were also singled out in newspaper articles with disparaging remarks about thick parental accents and poor hygiene.23

并非所有报纸都支持巴纳姆。 《纽约论坛报》刊登了一篇读者与巴纳姆之间激烈的信件交锋,最终以社论评论收尾:“能有真正的全国性婴儿秀,把全国如此大一部分人排除在外吗?” 事实上,巴纳姆的竞争对手们发起了“有色人种婴儿秀”,有时甚至与巴纳姆的比赛同时举行。然而,反映出当时的种族主义态度,非白人婴儿比赛往往因其新颖性而受到称赞,而参赛者获得的赞誉则较少。24 118

Not all newspapers supported Barnum. A sharp exchange of letters in the New York Tribune between a reader and Barnum ended with the editorial comment ‘Can there be any truly National Baby Show from which so large a part of the nation is excluded?’ And in fact Barnum’s competitors launched ‘coloured baby shows’, sometimes organised to occur simultaneously with the impresario’s contests. Reflecting the racist attitudes of the times, however, the non-white baby competitions tended to be lauded for their novelty, with contestants accorded fewer accolades.24 118

尽管如此,这些“有色人种”婴儿节目让白人观众有机会观察真实的婴儿,而不是刻板的虚构人物。非裔美国人意识到将自己的孩子作为公共娱乐对象的弊端,但许多人也乐于借此机会展现自己的孩子属于中产阶级家庭文化。25

Still, these ‘coloured’ baby shows gave white audiences a chance to observe real babies rather than stereotypical fictional characters. African Americans were aware of the pitfalls of offering their children up as objects of public entertainment, but many also welcomed the chance to show that their babies belonged to the culture of middle-class domesticity.25

这并不一定意味着可爱能化解种族歧视。19 世纪 90 年代末,一场“有色人种”婴儿秀印制了传单,将婴儿描述为“小浣熊”和“黑皮肤小孩”,随后一群黑人母亲给《洛杉矶时报》写了一封抗议信。26由于这未能阻止种族主义广告,几乎所有母亲都退出了节目。27尽管她们将这场比赛视为展示非裔美国人家庭生活机会,但她们也敏锐地意识到,即使是她们孩子的可爱也可能很快被用来对付她们。

This didn’t necessarily mean that cuteness defused racism. After a ‘coloured’ baby show in the late 1890s printed handbills that described the babies as ‘little coons’ and ‘piccaninnies’, a delegation of Black mothers wrote a letter of protest to the Los Angeles Times.26 When this failed to halt the racist advertising, almost all the mothers withdrew their babies from the show.27 Although they viewed the contest as an opportunity to showcase African American domesticity, they were also acutely aware of how quickly even the cuteness of their babies could be turned against them.

“piccaninny”(黑脸小孩)是对黑人儿童刻板的种族主义描述(“pick”源于“采摘棉花”),最早出现在黑脸吟游表演中。28 吟游表演是一种独特的美国娱乐形式,始于19世纪初,并持续到20世纪初。吟游表演以白人演员为主,他们化妆后假扮成非裔美国人,同时表演一些刻板的故事,并伴以滑稽的歌舞。在长达一个世纪的演出中,吟游表演团体变得如此受欢迎,甚至跨越大西洋,在欧洲巡回演出。

The ‘piccaninny’ is a stereotypically racist depiction of the Black child (‘pick’ comes from ‘picking cotton’) that first appeared in blackface minstrel shows.28 A uniquely American form of entertainment that began in the early nineteenth century and persisted into the early twentieth, minstrel performances featured white performers who put on make-up and pretended to be African American, while presenting stereotyped tales along with comic songs and dances. During their century-long run, minstrel groups became so popular that they even crossed the Atlantic and toured Europe.

涂黑脸的白人窃取了自由和被奴役的非裔美国人的说话方式、手势和歌曲,并加以修改以适应白人观众。这种行为既是种族主义的,也应受谴责;吟游表演的幌子是奴隶制有趣、公正且自然。29

The white men who performed blackface stole speech patterns, gestures and songs from free and enslaved African Americans, altering them to suit a white audience. This was both racist and reprehensible; minstrel shows were staged under the pretence that slavery was amusing, just and natural.29

吟游艺人在其外貌和行为举止上都沿用了非裔美国人的刻板印象,例如夸张的大眼睛和大嘴巴;肢体松散、步履蹒跚的舞蹈119风格;滑稽的摔倒和暴力事故;以及如同骗子般的行为,这些都强化了种族关系的社会规范,也削弱了当时的社会规范。当这些刻板角色开始以“piccaninny”(黑小子)的形式出现时,他们就融入了不断发展的美国可爱文化。到了19世纪中叶,吟游艺团开始引入许多儿童演员,他们的演出被宣传为适合全家观看。评论指出,这些以成人扮演儿童,反之亦然的舞台表演,让孩子们乐在其中。30

Minstrel performers employed stereotypes of African Americans in their appearance and their behaviour, with exaggerated wide eyes and mouths; a loose-limbed, shuffling dance 119style; comic pratfalls and violent accidents; and trickster-like behaviour that both reinforced and undercut social norms about racial relations. They were absorbed into the evolving American cute culture when the stereotyped characters began to include children in the form of the ‘piccaninny’. By the mid-nineteenth century minstrel companies included many child performers, and their shows were advertised as suitable for the whole family. Reviews noted that children were highly entertained by these stage performances that featured adults acting like children, and vice versa.30

这些涂着黑脸的儿童演员们欢快活泼,充满活力,扮演着超越童真概念的奇幻角色。31他们后来启发了米老鼠等动画人物的创作——其中一个角色尤其可以向我们展示这一切是如何发生的。

Cheerful and full of youthful energy, the child performers in blackface played fantastical characters that existed outside the concept of childhood innocence.31 They would later inspire animated characters like Mickey Mouse – and one character in particular can show us how this happened.

托普西和她的后代

Topsy and her progeny

哈里特·比彻·斯托的反奴隶制小说《汤姆叔叔的小屋》于1852年出版后立即引起轰动。小说巧妙地将童年的两种观念一分为二,塑造了天真无邪的白人伊娃和狡猾的黑人托普西。无私的伊娃照顾着身边所有的成年人,而托普西则展现着滑稽可爱的淘气——这一点在小说被搬上舞台后尤为明显。十九世纪后期,这两种性格特征融合在一起,形成了新的美国式可爱美学。

Harriet Beecher Stowe’s anti-slavery novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin was an immediate hit when it was published in 1852. The novel neatly bifurcates two notions of childhood in the characters of the innocent Eva, who is white, and the cunning trickster Topsy, who is black. The selfless Eva takes care of all the adults around her, while Topsy showcases comical, adorable mischief – which was especially evident when the novel made the transition to the stage. Later in the nineteenth century these two characteristics became melded together to form the new American cute aesthetic.

小说本身就很受欢迎,但《汤姆叔叔的小屋》舞台版很快便登陆美国各地剧院,随后又在欧洲上演,取得了更大的成功。第一个版本在小说出版的同年首演,而PT·巴纳姆对最新奇观保持着高度关注,于次年上演了一部舞台剧。舞台120版由一个涂着黑脸的白人小孩扮演托普西,将这个刻板的角色变成了全国性的热门。32

Popular as the book was, the stage versions of Uncle Tom’s Cabin that soon arrived in theatres around the US, and then Europe, were even more successful. The first version debuted in the year that the novel was published, and P. T. Barnum, ever alert to the latest spectacle, mounted one the following year. Featuring a white child in blackface playing Topsy, these stage 120versions turned this stereotypical character into a nationwide hit.32

在舞台上,托普西成了一个滑稽刻板的无礼黑人孩子形象,斯托夫人关于被奴役儿童同样无辜的论点也站不住脚。当托普西的滑稽滑稽行为被凸显出来时,任何关于她是否无辜的质疑都变得毫无意义。33

Onstage, Topsy became the comic stereotype of an impudent black child, and Stowe’s argument that enslaved children were also innocent was lost. When Topsy’s comic antics are highlighted, any question of her innocence becomes moot.33

托普西成了《汤姆叔叔的小屋》舞台剧的明星,扮演这个角色的儿童演员往往占据了主要位置。在舞台剧版本层出不穷的版本中,有时舞台上会同时出现两个托普西。34托普西纯粹是一场闹剧,与其说是一个真人,不如说是一个玩物:

Topsy became the star of the Uncle Tom’s Cabin stage productions, and child actors playing the role often received top billing. In the proliferation of stage versions, there were sometimes two Topsies onstage simultaneously.34 Topsy was pure spectacle, more a plaything than a human character:

“你太可爱了——你比我可爱;我的名字叫可爱,天性也可爱。”

‘You are too cute – you are cuter than I am; and I’m Cute by name and cute by nature.’

汤姆叔叔的小屋》第五幕第二场

(乔治·L·艾肯版本,1853 年首次上演)

Gumption Cute to Topsy, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Act V, Scene II

(George L. Aiken version, first staged 1853)

剧作家乔治·艾肯的舞台版《汤姆叔叔的小屋》融合了许多吟游诗人的元素,其中包括一个名叫“傻瓜”(Gumption Cute)的新角色——一个白人流氓,其快速的台词源自黑脸吟游诗人表演的传统。35以上段落是在托普西(Topsy)在一场文字游戏后占了上风之后创作的。一个狡猾的年轻女孩涂着黑脸为白人观众表演,在“可爱”一词仍与行为而非外表联系在一起的时代,她将聪明与可爱融为一体。

The playwright George Aiken’s stage version of Uncle Tom’s Cabin incorporated many elements from minstrelsy, including a new character called Gumption Cute – a white scallywag whose rapid-fire dialogue is drawn from the blackface minstrel-show tradition.35 The above passage comes after Topsy has got the upper hand in a bout of wordplay. A cunning young girl played in blackface for a white audience, she brought together the clever and the adorable at a time when the word ‘cute’ was still linked to behaviour rather than appearance.

作为吟游诗人独特形象的标志,36托普西 (Topsy) 这一角色激发了无数的模仿:在她之后出现了整个杂耍表演“挑选”。37黑人儿童的刻板“黑鬼”形象装饰着无数的消费品,从盐和胡椒瓶到餐馆菜单;只有当民权运动势头强劲时,它们才被打入阁楼和旧货店。

An icon of the distinctive image of minstrelsy,36 the character of Topsy inspired countless imitations: whole vaudeville acts of ‘picks’ appeared in her wake.37 Stereotypical ‘piccanniny’ images of Black children adorned countless consumer goods, from salt-and-pepper shakers to restaurant menus; only when the Civil Rights movement gained momentum were they consigned to attics and junk shops.

通过黑人吟游表演,十九世纪的大众文化121一直将非裔美国人描绘成滑稽、无能和孩子气的人物。38虽然黑脸吟游表演在二十世纪初的受欢迎程度有所下降,但它直接启发了包括米老鼠、秀兰·邓波儿、《绿野仙踪》中的稻草人和拉格迪·安妮娃娃在内的可爱偶像。39此外,黑人吟游表演的消亡恰逢动画的出现,在动画中,新的可爱角色可以被拉伸、变形和虐待,而这些在戏剧舞台上是不可能的。

Through minstrel shows, nineteenth-century mass culture 121persistently depicted African Americans as comical, inept and childlike.38 While its popularity flagged at the turn of the twentieth century, blackface minstrelsy directly inspired cute icons including Mickey Mouse, Shirley Temple, the Scarecrow from The Wizard of Oz and Raggedy Ann dolls.39 In addition, the demise of minstrelsy coincided with the arrival of animation, in which new, cute characters could be stretched, deformed and abused in a way that wasn’t possible on the theatre stage.

动画吟游诗人和狡猾的男孩

Animated minstrels and tricky boys

米老鼠、兔八哥、菲力猫和其他早期动画人物的设计明显受到了吟游表演传统的影响。40黑色的头部和身体、宽大的白边嘴巴、又大又圆的白眼睛,以及让这些人物的爪子看起来像人手的白色手套,都直接取材于吟游表演。41这种影响也延伸到了角色在银幕上的滑稽动作。动画人物展现出一种野性的聪明才智,吸引了大批观众,尤其是儿童,同时也让许多家长感到担忧。42

The designs of Mickey Mouse, Bugs Bunny, Felix the Cat and other early animated characters were clearly influenced by the minstrel-show tradition.40 The black heads and bodies, wide white-rimmed mouths, large white round eyes and white gloves that made these characters’ paws resemble human hands were all drawn directly from minstrelsy.41 This influence extended to the characters’ onscreen antics, too. Animated characters exhibited a kind of feral cleverness that attracted large audiences, especially among children, while giving many parents cause for concern.42

早期的动画角色并非仅仅遵循吟游诗人的传统。闹剧喜剧早已存在。1900年,五岁的巴斯特·基顿以“不会受伤的小男孩”的身份首次亮相歌舞杂耍。作为家庭表演的一部分,他扮成了父亲乔的迷你版。小男孩捉弄了基顿老大,直到他失去耐心,基顿老大把小男孩扔到舞台侧幕、乐池甚至观众席。当小男孩用扫帚打父亲以示报复时,乔便将巴斯特变成了“人肉拖把”,用他擦拭舞台。43

Early animated characters were following more than just the minstrel tradition. Slapstick comedy had been around for a long time. In 1900 five-year-old Buster Keaton made his vaudeville debut as ‘The Little Boy Who Can’t Be Damaged’. Part of a family act, he appeared dressed as a miniature version of his father, Joe. The boy plays tricks on the elder Keaton until his patience snaps, causing him to toss the little boy into the wings, the orchestra pit or even the audience. When the boy gets revenge by hitting his father with a broom, Joe responds by using Buster as ‘The Human Mop’ and wiping the stage with him.43

基顿一家在美国非常受欢迎,尤其是在小学生中。122演出结束后,他们会蜂拥而至,涌上舞台,巴斯特会分发糖果。然而,当该剧团在伦敦巡演时,观众们惊讶地看到一个孩子被扔过舞台。44预订该剧的剧院经理阿尔弗雷德·巴特质问巴斯特是不是他们家的亲生儿子。“从你们把他扔来扔去的样子来看,”他说,“我以为他一定是领养的,你们根本不在乎他。” 45虽然巴斯特的父亲对此很不高兴,但基顿一家表演中的暴力元素表明,正在形成的美国式可爱审美融合了两种截然不同的儿童观:纯真的童年天真和早期将儿童视为需要驯服的动物的观点。

The Keaton family were incredibly popular in the US, especially with schoolchildren, who would flock onto the stage after 122the show, where Buster handed out sweets. Yet when the act toured in London, audiences were astonished to see a child flung across the stage.44 Alfred Butt, the theatre manager who had booked their show, demanded to know if Buster was the real son of the family. ‘Judging by the way you threw him around,’ he said, ‘I thought he must be adopted and that you didn’t give one damn about him.’45 While Buster’s father was not amused, the violence of the Keaton family act demonstrated how the developing American cute aesthetic melded two contrasting strands of thinking about the child: pure childhood innocence and the earlier view of children as animalistic creatures that needed to be tamed.

可爱的造型:New Kids 和丘比娃娃

The cute look: New Kids and Kewpie dolls

加里·克罗斯是最早研究美国文化中“可爱”兴起的学者之一。多亏了他,我才明白,只有当孩子们的天真与人们对他们顽皮活力的欣赏相结合时,“可爱”才会在流行文化中爆发。当成年人开始接受孩子们既淘气又乖巧的一面时,“可爱”一词就不再仅仅用来形容聪明了。正如加里所写,当孩子们任性甚至狡猾的行为在成年人眼中被他们的善良所救赎时,那些勉强被容忍的“机灵”孩子就变成了受欢迎的“可爱”孩子。46

Gary Cross is one of the first scholars to investigate the rise of cuteness in American culture. Thanks to him, I have come to understand that cuteness only exploded in popular culture when children’s innocence combined with an appreciation of their impish energy. When adults began to accept that children are both naughty and nice, the word ‘cute’ drifted away from describing mere cleverness. As Gary writes, the barely tolerated ‘acute’ child became the popular ‘cute’ child when wilful – and even devious – behaviour in children was redeemed in adult eyes by their goodness of heart.46

这一变化发生在孩子们的欲望越来越被视为自然的时代,父母被告知要纵容他们。孩子们任性的热情,即使会导致恶作剧,也正在成为值得珍惜而非惩罚的东西;淘气的角色代表着一种新的可爱形式。47

This change occurred at a time when children’s desires were increasingly seen as natural, and parents were being told to indulge them. Children’s headstrong enthusiasm, even if it led to mischief, was becoming something to be cherished rather than punished; mischievous characters represented a new form of cuteness.47

十九世纪末,此前在广告中使用成人形象的公司开始转向儿童形象。广泛的社会变革促成了这一转变。123从19世纪80年代起,婴儿死亡率迅速下降。童工率稳步下降,入学率上升。食品纯度丑闻,以及人们对营养重要性的认识日益加深,促使成年人开始关注儿童的健康和活力。随着消费的增长和女性在公共领域的影响力不断增强,企业开始营销更多面向儿童的产品,并在广告中使用更多儿童形象。48

In the late nineteenth century companies that had previously used images of adults in their advertising began switching to children. Broad social changes informed this shift. Infant 123mortality dropped rapidly from the 1880s. Child-labour rates fell steadily, and school attendance rose. Scandals about food purity, along with a growing awareness of the importance of nutrition, led adults to focus on the health and vitality of children. As consumption grew and women became more influential in the public sphere, companies began to market more child-oriented products and to use more children in advertisements.48

这些被统称为“新来的”的形象创造了一种童年理想,散发着年轻人的自信、主动性、个性、聪明和风趣。49他们有着圆圆的脸蛋、胖乎乎的脸颊和大大的眼睛,这些特征在洛伦兹的儿童属性图式中会激发人们对可爱的反应。新来的形象是白人孩子——红脸颊、活泼——比如 Uneeda 饼干女孩和金宝汤孩子,或者是“黑人小孩”角色,比如金粉双胞胎和梨子肥皂孩子。50后者的一个著名广告展示了一个黑人孩子在洗澡时皮肤变白。新来的形象反映了一种独特的美国式幸福——至少对于那些没有被种族主义刻板印象吓倒的人来说是这样。51

Known collectively as the New Kid, these images created a childhood ideal that exuded youthful confidence, initiative, personality, smartness and wit.49 They had round faces, chubby cheeks and wide eyes, features on Lorenz’s child schema of attributes that stimulate a cuteness response. New Kid images were of white children – red-cheeked and active – such as the Uneeda Biscuit girl and the Campbell Soup kid, or ‘piccaninny’ characters such as the Gold Dust Twins and the Pears Soap children.50 A well-known advert for the latter product shows a black child whose skin turns white in the bath. The New Kid image reflected a distinctly American representation of happiness – at least for those who were not put off by racist stereotypes.51

新来的孩子不仅仅出现在广告中。十九世纪末,半色调丝网印刷的发明提高了印刷杂志和广告的图像分辨率。出版业蓬勃发展,报纸要么吸引读者,要么消亡。1894年,《纽约世界报》推出的彩色周日漫画增刊大受欢迎,并迅速被模仿。当编辑和漫画家意识到他们的读者欣赏新漫画的视觉效果时,他们放弃了讽刺漫画和幽默写作;他们与其说是读者,不如说是观众。52

The New Kid didn’t just appear in advertising. As the nineteenth century ended, the invention of halftone screenprinting improved image resolution in print magazines and advertisements. The publishing industry boomed, and newspapers had to either attract readers or perish. The colour Sunday comic supplement, introduced in 1894 by the New York World, proved popular and was swiftly imitated. Editors and cartoonists dispensed with satirical cartoons and humorous writing when they realised that their customers appreciated the visual aspects of the new comics; they were not readers so much as spectators.52

周日增刊很快就开始聘用编辑,负责满足读者的需求。每一条建议都会被认真考虑,无论是来自编辑124团队、艺术家,还是读者的点子。如果销量上升,新的漫画就会一直连载,直到读者厌倦为止。另一方面,正如一位观察家在1905年指出的那样:“如果它们卖得不好,就会像烫手山芋一样被立刻扔掉。” 53

Sunday supplements soon began to employ an editor, who was charged with giving the public what they wanted. Every suggestion was considered, whether it came from the editorial 124team, the artists or was an idea sent in by a reader. If sales rose, the new comic would run until the public tired of it. On the other hand, as one observer noted in 1905, ‘If they fall flat, they are dropped at once, like a hot potato.’53

在这个充满实验热情的时期,漫画家们开始围绕一种新的视觉风格凝聚在一起。他们从“新来的孩子”形象中汲取灵感,青春气息开始占据主导地位。但漫画家和编辑们意识到,需要创造“习惯培养者”,鼓励读者每周日购买他们最爱漫画的最新一期。54因此,漫画越来越体现洛伦兹的儿童图式;可爱吸引读者,并让他们对反复出现的角色产生依恋,进而推动了报纸的销量。55一个可爱的创新是赋予角色又大又圆的眼睛。

At this time of fervid experimentation, cartoonists began to cohere around a new visual style. They took cues from the New Kid image, and youthful features began to dominate. But cartoonists and editors were aware of the need to create ‘habit builders’ that would encourage readers to buy every Sunday paper with the latest instalment of their favourite strip.54 Accordingly, comics increasingly embodied Lorenz’s child schema; cuteness drew the reader in and created an attachment to recurring characters, which in turn drove newspaper sales.55 The first cute innovation was to give characters big, round eyes.

女童军是大腹便便、四肢修长的生物,大大的眼睛很容易让人流露出惊讶和喜悦的表情。它们出现在帕尔默·考克斯1879年在圣尼古拉斯首次亮相的一系列插图中,随后很快出现了玩偶、玩具和新奇物品。她们的形象通常基于种族刻板印象,从中国人、阿拉伯人到爱尔兰人,但她们通过分享冒险经历和行善而相处融洽。56视觉上看,女童军代表了新可爱审美发展的一个过渡阶段。她们棍状的腿让人想起早期漫画中那些瘦骨嶙峋的人物,但她们也有一双碟状的大眼睛,头颅硕大。57 125

The Brownies were pot-bellied, long-limbed creatures with large eyes that easily conveyed expressions of surprise and delight. They appeared in a series of illustrations by Palmer Cox that made their debut in St Nicholas in 1879, and dolls, toys and novelty items soon followed. They were often based on ethnic stereotypes, from Chinese and Arab to Irish, but they got along by sharing adventures and doing good deeds.56 Visually, the Brownies represented a transitional stage in the development of the new cute aesthetic. Their stick-like legs recalled the emaciated figures that populated earlier comics, but they also had large, saucer-like eyes on oversized heads.57 125

图 6.1:1914 年的一张明信片上,丘比特正在为争取妇女选举权而奔走。

Fig. 6.1: A postcard from 1914 shows a Kewpie agitating for women’s suffrage.

当罗西·奥尼尔创作丘比特娃娃时,“新人”风格达到了顶峰。丘比特娃娃在米老鼠出现之前一直是世界上最知名的人物。丘比特娃娃在杂志上重新流行起来,成为装饰插图边缘的感伤浪漫的主题,但奥尼尔的设想却截然不同。58虽然丘比特娃娃长着小小的白色翅膀,但它们看起来更像真正的幼儿,有着大大的眼睛、纽扣般的鼻子和顽皮的魅力。59这些人物将康拉德·洛伦兹的儿童图式推向了极限。事实上,126洛伦兹本人也曾指出,如果在设计上再夸张一点,丘比特娃娃就会从讨人喜欢的可爱形象变成怪诞怪诞的怪诞形象。60

The New Kid style reached its apotheosis when Rosie O’Neill created the Kewpies, who became the world’s best-known characters until Mickey Mouse came along. Cupids were undergoing a revival in magazines as a sentimental and romantic motif adorning the edges of illustrations, but O’Neill envisioned something quite different.58 Though the Kewpies had tiny white wings, they looked more like real toddlers with big eyes, button noses and an impish charm.59 These characters pushed Konrad Lorenz’s child schema to its limits. In fact 126Lorenz himself remarked that a little more exaggeration in their design would tip the Kewpies from delightfully cute into eerily grotesque.60

丘比娃娃首次出现在1909年的《妇女家庭杂志》上。虽然在奥尼尔的短篇小说中,丘比娃娃被冠以男性代词,但61丘比娃娃却有着明确的女权主义价值观;她们怀着“一份爱”,帮助城市贫民窟中被忽视的儿童,对抗反对妇女参政论者,提出民权问题,并争取女性的选举权。62奥尼尔在《好管家》杂志上介绍丘比娃娃时写道:“丘比特总是让人陷入困境,而丘比娃娃总能帮他们摆脱困境。” 63

The Kewpies first appeared in 1909 in Ladies’ Home Journal. Although they were referred to with male pronouns,61 in O’Neill’s stories the Kewpies had explicitly feminist values; with ‘a dose of love’, they helped neglected children in urban slums, confronted anti-suffragists, raised civil-rights questions and demanded votes for women.62 When O’Neill introduced the Kewpies in Good Housekeeping magazine, she wrote: ‘Cupids are always getting people into trouble. Kewpies are always getting them out.’63

丘比娃娃作为卡通人物很受欢迎,但直到奥尼尔开始用无釉瓷器制作丘比娃娃时,它们才真正享誉全球。丘比娃娃于1913年问世,需要30家德国工厂才能满足需求,第一年就售出了500万个丘比娃娃。64这些娃娃在国际上颇具吸引力。日本的丘比蛋黄酱于1925年将丘比娃娃作为其品牌形象代言人,并一直沿用至今。

The Kewpies were popular as cartoon characters, but it was when O’Neill began producing Kewpie dolls from unglazed porcelain that they achieved worldwide fame. Upon their introduction in 1913 it took thirty German factories to keep up with the demand, and five million Kewpie dolls were sold in the first year.64 The dolls had international appeal. Kewpie Mayonnaise in Japan adopted the character as the face of its brand in 1925 and have kept it to this day.

作为书页上的人物,丘比娃娃是社会活动家,他们的身份认同源于他们与他人的关系。65然而,当它们变成立体娃娃时,它们便抛开了政治,转而传播爱,将其作为消除怨恨的灵丹妙药。第一次世界大战期间,美国对德国制造的产品实施封锁,但四艘满载丘比娃娃的船只却被允许通行。66不确定它们为何能免受禁运,但这些娃娃是纯真可爱的象征,这一事实或许使得它们的制造国即使在战争时期也变得毫无意义。事实上,在战争期间,丘比娃娃穿着军装,甚至携带武器。然而,有人声称,这些娃娃并非相互争斗,而是在与战争本身作斗争。67 127

As characters on the page, the Kewpies were social activists whose identity emerged from their relationship to others.65 When they became three-dimensional dolls, however, they left politics behind and spread love as a generic antidote to ill feeling. During the First World War the US enforced a blockade against German-made products, but four ships full of Kewpie dolls were allowed to pass through.66 I’m not sure why they were exempted from the embargo, but the fact that the dolls were an icon of innocent cuteness might have rendered their country of manufacture moot, even in a time of war. In fact during the war Kewpie dolls were dressed in military uniforms and even carried weapons. It was asserted, however, that the dolls didn’t fight each other, but rather fought against the idea of war itself.67 127

图 6.2:1925 年的丘比蛋黄酱罐。

Fig. 6.2: Kewpie Mayonnaise jar from 1925.

尽管如此,丘比娃娃的造型通常都带有刻板的女性气质,带着羞涩的侧目。68随着“可爱”越来越普遍,它开始被性别化。男孩被认为拥有不羁的野性,这种野性被驯服后就变得可爱了。然而,当它与女孩联系在一起时,淘气就与风骚联系在一起了。

Despite this, Kewpie dolls were often posed in a stereotypically feminine way, with a bashful sideways gaze.68 As cuteness became increasingly widespread, it became gendered. Boys were seen as having an unruly wild side that became cute when it was domesticated. When it was associated with girls, however, mischievousness became associated with coquettishness.

此时,孩子们的顽皮行为被认为是自然而然的,但对女孩来说,这开始与调情联系在一起。“新来的孩子”形象的出现,引发了美国玩偶的剧烈变革。维多利亚时代的瓷娃娃高度程式化,嘴唇和眼睛都很小。相比之下,德国玩偶制造商则专注于制作更自然的造型和矛盾的表情。69美国制造商开始制作具有幽默感的玩偶,与其说是甜美,不如说是俏皮。70 128

By this time, impish behaviour in children was regarded as natural, but for girls it began to be associated with flirtation. When the New Kid image arrived, it sparked a dramatic change in American dolls. Victorian china dolls had been highly stylised, with small lips and eyes. German doll-makers, by contrast, had specialised in more natural looks with ambivalent expressions.69 But American manufacturers began to make dolls with a sense of humour, more saucy than sweet.70 128

那些长相娇柔的女孩娃娃被赋予了诸如“淘气小姐”、“淘气玛丽埃塔”、“风骚小姐”和“弗洛西·弗利特”之类的名字。正如加里·克罗斯所写,这些娃娃“迎合了成年人对活泼、甚至略带操控欲和自我中心的孩子们的欣赏”。斜眼或左右转动的“咕咕”眼睛装在娃娃身上显得既有趣又迷人,因为孩子们被视为与成人的性欲无关。71

Girl dolls with a coquettish look were given names like Miss Mischief, Naughty Marietta, Miss Coquette and Flossie Flirt. As Gary Cross writes, these dolls ‘appealed to the adult’s admiration for the spunky, even slightly manipulative and self-centred child’. ‘Goo-goo’ eyes that looked askance or rolled from side to side appeared amusing and charming when attached to dolls, because children were seen as being apart from adult sexuality.71

到了十九世纪末,北美已基本摒弃了原罪教义。儿童被视为未受玷污,一种新的儿童性纯洁观念72在媒体对女孩的描述中尤为明显。“cute”(可爱)一词最早用来形容可爱的孩子出现在1909年,当时《哈泼周刊》刊登了一篇文章,其中写道:“我喜欢可爱的小女孩,她们会仰望你,牵着你的手,紧紧地依偎在你身边。” 73这是一个“爸爸的女儿”的时代,在有史以来最著名的童星秀兰·邓波儿的电影中尤为明显。

By the late nineteenth century North America had largely dispensed with the doctrine of original sin. Children were seen as uncorrupted, and a new conception of childhood sexual purity72 was especially apparent in the media representation of girls. An early use of the word ‘cute’ applied to adorable children appeared in 1909 when Harper’s Weekly published a story with the sentence ‘I like cute little girls that look up at you and take your hands and cuddle right up to you.’73 This was the era of the ‘Daddy’s girl’, particularly visible in the films of the most famous child star of all time: Shirley Temple.

可爱融化人心

Melting hearts through cuteness

秀兰·邓波儿六岁时就声名鹊起,并在 1935 年至 1938 年间成为全球最受欢迎的明星,这一时期的票房收入超过了凯瑟琳·赫本、玛琳·黛德丽和葛丽泰·嘉宝。74时代》杂志报道,1936 年她是世界上被拍照最多的人。75作为全球模范,秀兰在世界各地拥有 380 多个分支机构的粉丝俱乐部,会员人数达 380 万76 — 她标志性的风格影响了全世界的可爱风潮。

Shirley Temple rose to fame at the age of six and was the most popular star in the world between 1935 and 1938, with box-office returns during this period that trumped those of Katharine Hepburn, Marlene Dietrich and Greta Garbo.74 According to Time magazine, she was the most photographed person in the world in 1936.75 A global role model, Shirley had fan clubs with more than 380 branches around the world with 3.8 million members76 – and her signature style influenced cuteness worldwide.

从内衣到外套,从香皂到书籍,秀兰·邓波儿的形象被印在任何能卖钱的东西上。1935年,秀兰·邓波儿娃娃几乎占了美国所有娃娃销量的三分之一。这些娃娃由理想新奇玩具公司(也是推出泰迪熊的那家公司)生产,即使是129最小的也要卖3美元——在大萧条时期,这可不便宜。19世纪50年代,P.T.巴纳姆的婴儿秀证明了儿童的娱乐价值;到了20世纪30年代,秀兰·邓波儿的受欢迎程度不仅鼓励父母们以她的形象重塑女儿,也影响了女孩们对自我的想象。77

From underwear to coats, soap to books, Shirley Temple’s image was plastered onto anything that would sell. In 1935 Shirley Temple dolls accounted for almost one-third of all doll sales in the US. Made by the Ideal Novelty and Toy Company (the same company that had launched the teddy bear), even 129the smallest of the dolls cost three dollars – not cheap in the midst of the Great Depression. In the 1850s P. T. Barnum’s baby shows had demonstrated that children had entertainment value; in the 1930s Shirley Temple’s popularity not only encouraged parents to recast their daughters in her image, but also influenced the way girls imagined themselves.77

雪莉著名的金色卷发使她成为主流白人美女的偶像,但她的形象却被二十世纪福克斯精心打造。她孩子般的五官包括宽阔的额头、小巧的鼻子和下巴、丰满的身材以及短小的手臂和腿,而工作室有意通过服装和摄影技术来凸显这些特征。她母亲每晚都会打理的金色卷发让她的头看起来更大。正面特写镜头让她的额头更宽,鼻子也更短。高于平均水平的合作演员更凸显了她的娇小身材,她的身高也一直被低估。她还通过减少银幕上生日蛋糕上的蜡烛数量来夸大她的青春。78

Shirley’s famous blonde ringlets helped make her an icon of mainstream white cuteness, but her image was carefully managed by Twentieth Century Fox. Her childlike features included a broad forehead, small nose and chin, plump body and short arms and legs, and the studio consciously accentuated them through costumes and camerawork. The blonde curls that her mother set every night made her head seem larger. Frontal close-ups broadened her forehead and foreshortened her nose. Taller-than-average co-stars accentuated her smallness, and her height was consistently under-reported. Her youth was exaggerated by reducing the number of candles on onscreen birthday cakes.78

雪莉的角色中充满了新人的调情——事实上,这些角色充满了性暗示。二十世纪福克斯的一位高管达里尔·扎努克命令道:“把她的裙子拉高。让合作演员尽可能地把她抬起来,以创造现在卖座的假象。保留童真。” 79小女孩内裤的标志性镜头似乎也是营销策略的一部分,除了她的纯真之外。事实上,她对年长男人的“诱惑”在今天看来是不合适的。在《可怜的小富家女》中,雪莉一边依偎在父亲的腿上爱抚着他,一边唱着她想嫁给他的愿望。在《明亮的眼睛》中,她在一架被男人们包围的飞机上唱着她的成名曲《好船棒棒糖》,他们把她举起来,递给另一个人。

Shirley’s characters included plenty of New Kid flirtation – in fact they are replete with sexual innuendo. Darryl Zanuck, a Twentieth Century Fox executive, ordered, ‘Keep her skirts high. Have co-stars lift her up whenever possible to create the illusion now selling so well. Preserve babyhood.’79 The signature shots of the little girl’s underpants seem to have been part of the marketing ploy, alongside her innocence. Indeed her ‘seduction’ of older men seems inappropriate today. In Poor Little Rich Girl, Shirley sings of her desire to marry her father, while cuddling in his lap and caressing him. In Bright Eyes she sings her famous song ‘The Good Ship Lollipop’ in a plane surrounded by men who lift her up and pass her from one to another.

秀兰·邓波儿的电影通常以她孤儿的身份开场,以她在新家庭中获得接纳而结束。但秀兰饰演的角色并非只是无助、女性化的130“爸爸的女儿”。她也是一位假小子,展现出勇气和胆量来解决纠纷,弥合成年人之间的裂痕。80

A Shirley Temple film would often begin with her as an orphan and end with her finding acceptance within a new family. But Shirley’s characters are not just helpless, feminine 130Daddy’s girls. She was also a tomboy who displayed pluck and courage to resolve disputes and heal rifts between adults.80

作为一名女英雄,雪莉展现了通常与男孩联系在一起的淘气一面。在《卷发顶》中,她带着宠物鸭和马进入孤儿院,在《阳光小溪农场的丽贝卡》中违抗姑妈的命令参加广播节目,在《小小反叛者》中向北方军官射弹弓。她有自己独特的可爱风格,既轻浮又淘气,融合了天真的魅力和顽皮的狡猾。雪莉在银幕上的形象通过外表和行动将人们联系在一起,成为可爱的积极推动者。她提出了一种社会界限可以渗透的愿景,尽管是通过掩盖现实社会问题的虚假叙事的多愁善感。

As a girl hero, Shirley shows a mischievous side that was usually associated with boys. She brings her pet duck and horse into the orphanage in Curly Top, performs a radio show against her aunt’s orders in Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm and fires a slingshot at a Yankee officer in The Littlest Rebel. She had her own signature form of cuteness that was both flirtatious and naughty, a blend of innocent charm and impish cunning. Shirley’s onscreen persona deployed looks and actions to bring people together as an active agent of cuteness. She offered a vision of social boundaries made permeable, albeit through the sentimentality of false narratives that papered over real social problems.

雪莉在媒体上的声望与她的年轻息息相关。她不仅要像个孩子一样行事,更要活出童真。二十世纪福克斯公司要求她的母亲向女儿隐瞒她名气的真正程度,以确保她在荧幕上的形象保持纯真。81这种担忧暴露了她对事业的焦虑:小女孩终究会长大。媒体对雪莉生日派对的报道几乎是倒计时——每年他们都在猜测她何时会失去人气。82 1937年,《波士顿环球报》大肆宣扬:“好莱坞在问:雪莉·邓波儿还能当多久的明星?” 83此时,这位童星刚刚庆祝了她的八岁生日。

Shirley’s prominence in the media was tied to her youth. She not only had to act like a child – she had to be a child. Twentieth Century Fox ordered her mother to hide the true extent of her fame from her daughter, so that her onscreen presence would remain innocent.81 This concern revealed an anxiety surrounding her career; the little girl would invariably grow up. The media coverage of Shirley’s birthday parties was practically a countdown – every year they speculated on when she would lose her popularity.82 ‘Hollywood Is Asking: How Long Will Shirley Temple Remain a Star?’ trumpeted the Boston Globe in 1937.83 At this point, the child actor had recently celebrated her eighth birthday.

可爱文化在二十世纪兴起,其动力源于人们对童真特质的欣赏,这种特质体现在报纸漫画、广告和电影演员等方方面面。在电影演员中,这种欣赏伴随着一种意识,即这些魅力很快就会消逝。日本长期以来在其艺术和文学中推崇短暂易逝的特质,而欧洲则更青睐持久永恒的特质。当美国文化转向可爱时,131它或许受到了日本艺术和设计中传承数百年的价值观的影响。

When cute culture took off in the twentieth century, it was fuelled by an appreciation of childlike characteristics that appeared in everything from newspaper comics and advertising to movie actors. In the last-named, this appreciation was accompanied by an awareness that these charms would soon fade. Japan had long valued the ephemeral and perishable in its art and literature, while Europe had preferred the lasting and permanent. When American culture pivoted towards the cute, 131it may have been influenced by the centuries-old values that infused Japanese art and design.

虽然可爱有时感觉像是现代的发明,但如果它的根源在于我们的生理机能,那么它一定一直伴随着我们。不久前,我组织了一场“可爱研究”会议,并在演讲中展示了我最喜欢的日本雕塑之一。这尊800年前的木刻小狗雕像,是佛教僧侣明惠(1173-1232)的心头好,他还收藏了《百兽图》。这尊小狗坐着,但背部的曲线让它看起来仿佛即将跃起玩耍。对我来说,这尊雕像捕捉到了小狗嬉闹的精髓。

While cuteness might sometimes feel like a modern invention, if its roots are in our biology, then it must always have been with us. A while ago I organised a Cute Studies conference panel and included an image of one of my favourite Japanese sculptures in my presentation. An 800-year-old wooden statue of a puppy, it was a favourite possession of the Buddhist monk Myōe (1173–1232), who also acquired the Scroll of Frolicking Animals. The puppy is sitting, but the curve of its back makes it look as if it’s about to leap up and start playing. To me, this statue captures the essence of puppy playfulness.

我的姑姑和姑父在7000英里外的佛蒙特州通过Zoom观看我的演讲。当那只木制小狗出现在他们的电脑屏幕上时,他们的狗戴尔跳了起来,开始吠叫。当我展示小狗脸部的特写镜头时,它又叫了起来。八个世纪的鸿沟瞬间崩塌。就像一场时空旅行。

My aunt and uncle were watching my presentation over Zoom, 7,000 miles away in Vermont. When the wooden puppy appeared on their computer screen, their dog Dell leapt up and began to bark. When I showed a close-up of the puppy’s face, he barked again. The gulf of eight centuries had collapsed in an instant. It was like time-travel.

戴尔经常在电视上看到别的狗就会叫,但这还是他第一次对着狗雕像叫。更神奇的是,他竟然最后爬到了我姑姑的腿上。狼是怎么变成狗的?更重要的是,可爱在多大程度上影响了驯化过程?

Dell often barks when he sees another dog on TV, but this was the first time he’d done it when faced with a dog statue. Yet a bigger miracle is the way he ended up on my aunt’s lap in the first place. How did wolves become dogs? And, more to the point, to what extent did cuteness influence the domestication process?

笔记

Notes

1 Angela Sorby,《坟墓中的酒窝》:艾米莉·狄金森的可爱之处,ESQ 63, 2 (2018),第 42 页。

1 Angela Sorby, ‘“A Dimple in the Tomb”: Cuteness in Emily Dickinson’, ESQ 63, 2 (2018), p. 42.

2 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿:西格妮和可爱的起源》,第 132-133 页。

2 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby: Sigourney and the Origins of Cuteness’, pp. 132–3.

3同上,第 133 页。

3 Ibid., p. 133.

4同上,第 132-133 页;Sianne Ngai,《我们的审美类别:滑稽、可爱、有趣》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2012 年),第 59 页。

4 Ibid., pp. 132–3; Sianne Ngai, Our Aesthetic Categories: Zany, Cute, Interesting (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), p. 59.

5大卫·亨特·斯特罗瑟 (David Hunter Strother),《弗吉尼亚插图:包含参观弗吉尼亚迦南以及波特·克雷恩及其表兄弟的冒险经历》 (纽约:哈珀兄弟出版社,1857 年),第 166 页。

5 David Hunter Strother, Virginia Illustrated: Containing a Visit to the Virginian Canaan, and the Adventures of Porte Crayon and His Cousins (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1857), p. 166.

6玛格丽特·T·坎比(Margaret T. Canby),《伯迪的生日聚会》, 《我们的年轻人:男孩和女孩的插图杂志》,JT Trowbridge 和 Lucy Larcom 编辑,第 VIII 卷(波士顿:James R. Osgood & Co.,1872 年),第 687 页。

6 Margaret T. Canby, ‘Birdie’s Birthday Party’, Our Young Folks: An Illustrated Magazine for Boys and Girls, ed. J. T. Trowbridge and Lucy Larcom, Vol. VIII (Boston: James R. Osgood & Co., 1872), p. 687.

7 1873年,《我们的年轻人》杂志(Our Young Folks)上的一篇报道提到了一盒“看起来太可爱了!”的连衣裙。请参阅《我们的年轻人》第九卷(1873年)。

7 In 1873 a story in Our Young Folks referred to a box of dresses that ‘look so cute!’ See Our Young Folks, Vol. IX (1873).

8哈巴狗,两千年前在中国繁育,十六世纪传入荷兰和英国,十九世纪传入美国。从十九世纪六十年代开始,人们开始培育哈巴狗,使其腿更短,脸更扁平:换句话说,就是为了可爱。

8 Pug dogs, which were bred 2,000 years ago in China and were brought to the Netherlands and England in the sixteenth century, made it to the US in the nineteenth century. From the 1860s they were being bred for shorter legs and a flatter face: in other words, for cuteness.

9 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿》,第 125 页。

9 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, p. 125.

10 Betsy Golden Kellem,《在汤姆拇指婚礼上,孩子们互相假结婚》,Atlas Obscura,2017 年 7 月 7 日,www.atlasobscura.com/ articles/tom-thumb-weddings(2022 年 10 月 3 日访问)。

10 Betsy Golden Kellem, ‘At Tom Thumb Weddings, Children get Faux-Married to Each Other’, Atlas Obscura, 7 July 2017, www.atlasobscura.com/articles/tom-thumb-weddings (accessed 3 October 2022).

11同上。

11 Ibid.

12苏珊·斯图尔特(Susan Stewart),《论渴望:微型、巨型、纪念品和收藏品的叙事》(北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,1993 年),第 120 页。

12 Susan Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993), p. 120.

13 Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第 194 页。

13 Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics, p. 194.

14 Gubar,《Artful Dodgers》,第 182–183 页。

14 Gubar, Artful Dodgers, pp. 182–3.

15同上,第 187 页;Marah Gubar,《娱乐所有年龄段的儿童:十九世纪流行戏剧作为儿童戏剧》,《美国季刊》 66,1(2014 年 3 月),第 28 页。

15 Ibid., p. 187; Marah Gubar, ‘Entertaining Children of All Ages: Nineteenth-Century Popular Theater as Children’s Theater’, American Quarterly 66, 1 (March 2014), p. 28.

16 Gubar,《机灵鬼道奇》,第186页。另请参阅Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第190页。

16 Gubar, Artful Dodgers, p. 186. See also Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics, p. 190.

17 Sorby,《婴儿对婴儿》,第 123 页。226

17 Sorby, ‘Baby to Baby’, p. 123. 226

18同上,第 129 页。

18 Ibid., p. 129.

19 Marah Gubar,《重访儿童崇拜:取笑方特勒罗伊》,载《牛津二十一世纪文学研究方法:从维多利亚晚期到现代》,Laura Marcus 等编(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2016 年),第 398-413 页。另请参阅 Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第 196 页。

19 Marah Gubar, ‘The Cult of the Child Revisited: Making Fun of Fauntleroy’, in Oxford Twenty-First Century Approaches to Literature: Late Victorian into Modern, ed. Laura Marcus et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 398–413. See also Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics’, p. 196.

20 Gubar,《重新审视儿童崇拜》,第 399 页。

20 Gubar, ‘The Cult of the Child Revisited’, p. 399.

21同上,第 399 页。

21 Ibid., p. 399.

22同上,第 400 页。

22 Ibid., p. 400.

23《巴纳姆的博比秀》,《纽约论坛报》(1855 年 6 月 6 日),lostmuseum.cuny.edu/archive/ barnums-booby-show-new-york-tribune-june-6 (2022 年 10 月 5 日访问)。

23 ‘Barnum’s Booby Show’, New York Tribune (6 June 1855), lostmuseum.cuny.edu/archive/barnums-booby-show-new-york-tribune-june-6 (accessed 5 October 2022).

24 Pearson,《婴儿标本》,第 350 页。另请参阅 Chad Sirois,《19 世纪幼儿和头饰》,伍斯特历史博物馆www.worcesterhistory.org/ blog/baby-show/(2022 年 10 月 5 日访问)。

24 Pearson, ‘“Infantile Specimens”’, p. 350. See also Chad Sirois, ‘19th Century Toddlers and Tiaras’, Worchester Historical Museum, www.worcesterhistory.org/blog/baby-show/ (accessed 5 October 2022).

25同上,第 358 页。

25 Ibid., p. 358.

26 Pearson,《婴儿标本》,第 358 页。

26 Pearson, ‘“Infantile specimens”’, p. 358.

27同上。

27 Ibid.

28 Gubar,《娱乐所有年龄段的孩子》,第 21 页。

28 Gubar, ‘Entertaining Children of All Ages’, p. 21.

29 Eric Lott,《爱与盗窃:黑脸吟游诗人和美国工人阶级》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1993 年),第 xi、4 页。

29 Eric Lott, Love & Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. xi, 4.

30 Gubar,《娱乐所有年龄段的孩子》,第 20 页。

30 Gubar, ‘Entertaining Children of All Ages’, p. 20.

31罗宾·伯恩斯坦,《种族纯真:从奴隶制到民权运动的美国童年》(纽约:纽约大学出版社,2011 年),第 35 页。

31 Robin Bernstein, Racial Innocence: Performing American Childhood from Slavery to Civil Rights (New York: New York University Press, 2011), p. 35.

32 《汤姆叔叔的小屋》也曾在无数家庭客厅中以戏剧朗读、戏剧表演或书中插图短片的形式上演。19世纪和20世纪初,与这本书相关的纪念品和商品琳琅满目——从手帕、纸牌游戏、玩偶、果酱罐到烟草罐——应​​有尽有,以至于它们有了自己的名字:“汤姆叔叔的小屋”。伯恩斯坦,《种族的纯真》,第9页。

32 Uncle Tom’s Cabin was also performed in countless home parlours in the form of dramatic readings, plays or vignettes of illustrations from the book. So many souvenirs and products associated with the book appeared during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – from handkerchiefs and card games, dolls and jam jars to tobacco tins – that they garnered their own name: ‘Tomitudes’. Bernstein, Racial Innocence, p. 9.

33同上,第 48 页。

33 Ibid., p. 48.

34 Tavia Nyong'o,《种族媚俗与黑人表演》,《耶鲁评论杂志》 15,2(2002 年),第 376 页。

34 Tavia Nyong’o, ‘Racial Kitsch and Black Performance’, The Yale Journal of Criticism 15, 2 (2002), p. 376.

35莎拉·米尔,《汤姆叔叔狂热:19 世纪 50 年代的奴隶制、吟游诗人和跨大西洋文化》(雅典:佐治亚大学出版社,2005 年),第 125 页。227

35 Sarah Meer, Uncle Tom Mania: Slavery, Minstrelsy, and Transatlantic Culture in the 1850s (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005), p. 125. 227

36托普西这个角色以黑人儿童典型的黑皮肤和黑人玩偶形象的形式进入了视觉文化。

36 The Topsy character moved into visual culture in the form of stereotypical piccanniny and golliwogg images of Black children.

37 Gubar,《娱乐所有年龄段的孩子》,第 21 页。

37 Gubar, ‘Entertaining Children of All Ages’, p. 21.

38 Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第 198 页。

38 Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics’, p. 198.

39参见伯恩斯坦,《种族清白》,第166、181页;尼古拉斯·萨蒙德,《一个产业的诞生:黑脸吟游诗人和美国动画的兴起》(北卡罗来纳州罗利:杜克大学出版社,2015年),第2页;以及梅里什,《可爱与商品美学》,第185-203页。儿童文化常常包含着被长期遗弃的成人关注点的回响。诸如“小鸡为什么要过马路?”或“消防员为什么要穿红色吊带?”之类的儿童谜语起源于19世纪为成人创作的吟游诗人表演。参见罗伯特·C·托尔,《继续表演:美国演艺界的第一个世纪》(纽约:牛津大学出版社,1976年),第95页。

39 See Bernstein, Racial Innocence, pp. 166, 181; Nicholas Sammond, Birth of an Industry: Blackface Minstrelsy and the Rise of American Animation (Raleigh, NC: Duke University Press, 2015), p. 2; and Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics’, pp. 185–203. Children’s culture often contains echoes of long-abandoned adult concerns. Children’s riddles such as ‘Why does the chicken cross the road?’ or ‘Why does a fireman wear red suspenders?’ originated in nineteenth-century minstrel shows created for adults. See Robert C. Toll, On with the Show: The First Century of Show Business in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 95.

40 Sammond,《一个行业的诞生》,第 2 页。

40 Sammond, Birth of an Industry, p. 2.

41同上,第 1、3 页;以及 Inge,《米老鼠》,第 475 页。

41 Ibid., pp. 1, 3; and Inge, ‘Mickey Mouse’, p. 475.

42同上,第 71 页。

42 Ibid., p. 71.

43 Gubar,《娱乐所有年龄段的孩子》,第 21-2 页。

43 Gubar, ‘Entertaining Children of All Ages’, pp. 21–2.

44同上,第 22 页。

44 Ibid., p. 22.

45巴斯特·基顿与查尔斯·塞缪尔斯著,《我的奇妙闹剧世界》(纽约:Da Capo,1960 年),第 62 页。

45 Buster Keaton, with Charles Samuels, My Wonderful World of Slapstick (New York: Da Capo, 1960), p. 62.

46 Gary Cross,《可爱与酷》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2004 年),第 59 页。

46 Gary Cross, The Cute and the Cool (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 59.

47同上,第 40-43 页。

47 Ibid., pp. 40–43.

48 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第 90 页;以及 Cross,《The Cute and the Cool》,第 53 页。

48 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 90; and Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 53.

49 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第90-91页。泰迪熊可以说是第一个New Kid玩偶。同上,第95页。

49 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, pp. 90–91. The teddy bear was arguably the first New Kid doll. Ibid., p. 95.

50 Merish,《可爱与商品美学》,第 196、198 页。

50 Merish, ‘Cuteness and Commodity Aesthetics’, pp. 196, 198.

51 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第 102 页。

51 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 102.

52 Thierry Smolderen,《漫画的起源:从威廉·霍加斯到温瑟·麦凯》,Bart Beaty 和 Nick Nguyen 译(密西西比州杰克逊:密西西比大学出版社,2014 年),第 106 页。

52 Thierry Smolderen, The Origins of Comics: From William Hogarth to Winsor Mccay, trans. Bart Beaty and Nick Nguyen (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 2014), p. 106.

53同上。

53 Ibid.

54同上,第 108 页。

54 Ibid., p. 108.

55同上。

55 Ibid.

56 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 32 页。

56 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 32.

57斯莫尔德伦,《漫画的起源》,第108页。斯莫尔德伦认为,印刷品中可爱元素的“图形基因”(除了小女童子军的大眼睛)源于伪哥特式彩绘图画书,尤其是德国插画家路德维希·里希特的作品。这种风格在19世纪40年代后228成为美国儿童杂志(如《圣尼古拉斯》)的主流。

57 Smolderen, The Origins of Comics, p. 108. According to Smolderen, 228the ‘graphic gene’ of cuteness in print (minus the Brownies’ large eyes) started with the pseudo-Gothic illuminated picture book, especially those by the German illustrator Ludwig Richter. This style was dominant in American children’s magazines like St. Nicholas after the 1840s.

58 Shelley Armitage,《丘比娃娃及其他:罗斯·奥尼尔的世界》(密西西比州杰克逊:密西西比大学出版社,1994 年出版),第 110、113 页。

58 Shelley Armitage, Kewpies and Beyond: The World of Rose O’Neill (Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1994), pp. 110, 113.

59福尔马内克-布鲁内尔,《过家家》,第102页。彩色插图中丘比特娃娃有着胖乎乎的红色脸颊和一簇金发,不过奥尼尔偶尔也会画一只黑色的丘比特娃娃。阿米蒂奇,《丘比特与超越》,第122页。

59 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 102. Kewpies had red chubby cheeks and a tuft of blonde hair in coloured illustrations, though O’Neill occasionally included a Black Kewpie. Armitage, Kewpies and Beyond, p. 122.

60 Konrad Lorenz,《动物行为学基础》(纽约:Springer-Verlag,1981 年),第 164 页。

60 Konrad Lorenz, The Foundations of Ethology (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1981), p. 164.

61 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第 124 页。

61 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 124.

62同上,第 126-127 页。

62 Ibid., pp. 126–7.

63 Armitage,《丘比及其他》,第 113 页。

63 Armitage, Kewpies and Beyond, p. 113.

64 Toni Fitzgerald,《丘比娃娃热潮》,《玩偶读者》 36,8(2008),第 37 页。

64 Toni Fitzgerald, ‘The Kewpie Craze’, Doll Reader 36, 8 (2008), p. 37.

65 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第 131 页。

65 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 131.

66同上,第 137 页。

66 Ibid., p. 137.

67 Emily Wolverton,《Rosie O'Neill 和 Kewpie 系列》,迷你时光机微型博物馆,45(2014 年 2 月 5 日)。

67 Emily Wolverton, ‘Rosie O’Neill and the Kewpie Collection’, The Mini Time Machine Museum of Miniatures, 45 (5 February 2014).

68同上,第 132-133 页。

68 Ibid., pp. 132–3.

69 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 51 页。

69 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 51.

70 Formanek-Brunell,《Made to Play House》,第 103 页。

70 Formanek-Brunell, Made to Play House, p. 103.

71 Cross,《可爱与酷》,第 51 页。

71 Cross, The Cute and the Cool, p. 51.

72伯恩斯坦,《种族无辜》,第 41 页。

72 Bernstein, Racial Innocence, p. 41.

73 《哈泼周刊》 53,第 1 部分(1909 年),第 13 页。

73 Harper’s Weekly 53, Part 1 (1909), p. 13.

74 Ara Osterweil,《重塑雪莉:好莱坞纯真时代的恋童癖和跨种族恋情》,《暗箱》 72,第 24 卷,第 3 期(2009 年),第 5-6 页。

74 Ara Osterweil, ‘Reconstructing Shirley: Pedophilia and Interracial Romance in Hollywood’s Age of Innocence’, Camera Obscura 72, Vol. 24, No. 3 (2009), pp. 5–6.

75 Blake Stimpson,《安迪·沃霍尔的红胡子》,《艺术公报》 83,3(2001 年 9 月),第 528 页。

75 Blake Stimpson, ‘Andy Warhol’s Red Beard’, The Art Bulletin 83, 3 (September 2001), p. 528.

76约翰·F·卡森(John F. Kasson),《抗击大萧条的小女孩:秀兰·邓波儿与 20 世纪 30 年代的美国》(纽约:WW Norton & Co.,2014 年),第 115 页。

76 John F. Kasson, The Little Girl Who Fought the Great Depression: Shirley Temple and 1930s America (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2014), p. 115.

77同上,第 5 页。

77 Ibid., p. 5.

78同上,第 159-161 页。229

78 Ibid., pp. 159–61. 229

79秀兰·邓波儿·布莱克,《童星:自传》(纽约:麦格劳·希尔,1988 年),第 116 页。

79 Shirley Temple Black, Child Star: An Autobiography (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988), p. 116.

80 Natalie Ngai,《卖萌的诱惑:大萧条时期秀兰·邓波儿的生日派对》,《女性主义媒体研究》,第 5 页,doi:10.1080/14680777.2022.2098800。

80 Natalie Ngai, ‘The temptation of performing cuteness: Shirley Temple’s birthday parties during the Great Depression, Feminist Media Studies, p. 5, doi:10.1080/14680777.2022.2098800.

81同上,第 12 页。

81 Ibid., p. 12.

82同上,第 9 页。

82 Ibid., p. 9.

83 Mayme Peak,《好莱坞在问:秀兰·邓波儿还能当多久的明星?》,《波士顿环球报》,1937 年 5 月 14 日。

83 Mayme Peak, ‘Hollywood is Asking: How Long Will Shirley Temple Remain a Star?’, Boston Globe, 14 May 1937.

科学已经解答了许多关于我们进化史的问题。例如,我们现在知道许多人携带少量尼安德特人的DNA,这表明我们能够与他们杂交——就像今天的狼和狗一样。然而,要弄清楚数千年前人类的行为方式,需要科学与推测的巧妙结合。狗的驯化起源是一个备受科学争议的话题,就是一个很好的例子。

Science has answered many questions about our evolutionary past. For instance, we now know that many people have a small amount of Neanderthal DNA, which demonstrates that we were able to interbreed with them – just as wolves and dogs can today. However, figuring out how people behaved many thousands of years ago can require a judicious mix of science and speculation. The origins of dog domestication, a subject of much scientific debate, are a prime example.

正如我们之前所见,家养动物即使在成年后也会变得更加平静,喜欢玩耍。它们的脸会变宽,下颌变短,牙齿变小,身体和四肢变得越来越短,耳朵会变得松软,身上可能会出现白色的斑块。此外,家养动物133即使在成年后也能与其他物种建立关系。然而,对我们大多数人来说,科学家所说的幼态持续只是一种可爱的表现。

As we saw earlier, domesticated animals become calmer and enjoy playing even as they mature. Their faces widen, their jaws shorten and their teeth get smaller, their bodies and limbs become smaller and shorter, and floppy ears and white patches of fur may appear. Furthermore, domesticated animals 133can forge relationships with members of other species, even as adults. Yet to most of us, what scientists call neoteny is simply cute.

我们还发现,神经嵴细胞可能是驯化的一个因素。某些物种的友好个体似乎拥有一些基因,能够减缓神经嵴细胞向身体其他部位的迁移,从而形成幼态持续的外观和行为。

We’ve also seen that cells in the neural crest may be a factor in domestication. Friendly individuals of some species seem to possess genes that cause a slower migration of neural-crest cells to other areas of the body, which results in a neotenous appearance and behaviour.

六十年前,德米特里·别利亚耶夫只是简单地选择了最友善的狐狸在西伯利亚繁殖,但究竟是什么引发了数千年前的驯化过程,这个问题依然存在。有些物种可能是偶然进入了特定的生态位而变得温顺的。当鸟类抵达新西兰——这片没有捕食者的土地——时,它们变得平静、无所畏惧,有些甚至失去了翅膀。在世界其他地方,或许正是人类对温顺友善动物的偏好,才使得驯化通过选择性育种得以实现。

Dmitri Belyaev simply chose the friendliest foxes to breed in Siberia sixty years ago, but the question of what triggered the domestication process thousands of years back remains. Some species may have become tame by stumbling into a specific ecological niche. When birds arrived in New Zealand – a land without predators – they became calm, fearless, and some of them even lost their wings. In other parts of the world it might have been the human preference for tame, friendly animals that enabled domestication to occur through selective breeding.

在本章中,我们将首先探讨为什么某些物种易于驯服,而另一些则不可驯服。然后,我们将重点讨论最早被驯化的动物—​​—狗,以及可爱可能是其进化路径中的一个因素。最后,我们将探索许多科学家认为凶猛的狼变成可爱狗背后的认知框架。

In this chapter we’ll first look at why certain species are tameable while others aren’t. Then we’ll focus on the first domesticated animal, the dog, and the possibility that cuteness may have been a factor in its evolutionary path. Finally we’ll explore the cognitive framework that many scientists believe is behind the transformation of fierce wolves into lovable dogs.

被鹅追赶的人:印记和社会化时期

The man followed by geese: imprinting and the socialisation period

康拉德·洛伦兹或许用他的儿童图式将“可爱”一词条条框框化,但他真正获得诺贝尔奖的,是他对动物社会印记机制(一种促使幼年动物与同类建立联系的本能)的研究。洛伦兹认为,小鹅并非生来就拥有母亲的形象,而是本能地追随它们看到的第一个移动物体。他称之为“本能134释放机制”,因为这种本能会释放出某种行为。

Konrad Lorenz may have codified cuteness with his child schema, but it was his investigation of the social imprinting mechanism in animals – the instinct that causes baby animals to bond with their own species – that won him a Nobel Prize. Instead of being born with an image of their mother in their heads, Lorenz believed that baby geese instinctively followed the first moving object they saw. He called this an ‘instinctual 134releasing mechanism’ because the instinct released a certain behaviour.

为了验证自己的理论,洛伦兹亲手抚养了一些小鹅,确保它们孵化后第一个见到的就是洛伦兹。从那时起,小鹅们就不再理会它们的母亲,而是忠实地跟随洛伦兹。这位杰出的科学家带着他的小鹅在田野里散步或在湖里游泳的照片出现在许多生物学教科书中。

To test his theory, Lorenz hand-raised some goslings, ensuring that he was the first thing they saw upon hatching. From then on, the goslings paid no attention to their mother and faithfully followed Lorenz around. Pictures of the eminent scientist walking in a field or swimming in a lake accompanied by his gosling brood appeared in many biology textbooks.

洛伦兹的雏鹅和所有鹅一样,都已经被驯化。但许多幼年动物,无论驯养还是野生,都会经历一段敏感期,在此期间,它们会无畏地探索周围环境,并建立持久的联系。这段社会化窗口期从幼年动物睁开眼睛时就开始了,而当它们开始害怕未知时,窗口期就会关闭。

Lorenz’s goslings, like all geese, were already domesticated. But many baby animals, both tame and wild, experience a sensitive period in which they fearlessly explore their environment and can form lasting bonds. This socialisation window begins as soon as baby animals open their eyes and closes when they start to fear the unknown.

驯化会延长这一时期;驯服的西伯利亚狐的社会化期延长至四个月(而不是四十五天),并且恐惧反应延迟。1为了验证这一点,俄罗斯科学家测量了驯服幼崽的压力激素水平,以观察其是否较低。虽然所有狐狸的压力激素水平在社会化窗口关闭后均有所上升,但特别驯服的幼崽的压力激素峰值出现得更晚,幅度也更低:比对照组的狐狸低了足足50% 。2

Domestication lengthens this period; the tame Siberian foxes show an expanded socialisation period of four months (rather than forty-five days) and a delayed fear response.1 To test this, the Russian scientists measured stress hormones to see if the tame pups had lower levels. Although the levels in all foxes rose as the socialisation window closed, the especially tame animals experienced a much later and lower spike: a full 50 per cent lower than the control foxes.2

人们通常认为,新生儿需要持续的关爱,这促使我们认为他们很可爱。然而,研究表明,无论是人类还是动物,当婴儿足够成熟,能够探索并与他人建立联系时,我们才会觉得他们最可爱。3任何养过小狗、小猫或小孩的人都熟悉他们睁大眼睛、充满好奇、一头扎进爱河的模样,我们一会儿为他们可爱而欣喜,一会儿又为他们的生命担忧。幼小的生物在此期间发展的社会联系和认知技能有助于他们日后的生存能力;换句话说,可爱有助于婴儿融入家庭。135

It’s often assumed that newborn babies’ need for constant care is what triggers us to think they’re cute. However, studies show that we regard a baby, whether human or animal, as most adorable when it has matured enough to explore and form connections with others.3 Anyone who has raised a puppy, kitten or child is familiar with the wide-eyed wonder and headlong abandon that has us fawning over their cuteness one moment and fearing for their lives the next. The social connections and cognitive skills that young creatures develop during this period contribute to their later ability to survive; in other words, cuteness helps babies join the family. 135

爱情基因使狗与我们建立联系

Genes for love cause dogs to bond with us

在任何其他驯化物种出现之前,狗就已经作为我们的狩猎伙伴、哨兵和雪橇拉手。但它们是我们的朋友吗?还是说,这要等到很久以后,在我们让它们投入工作之后才出现?

Before any other domesticated species existed, we had dogs as hunting partners, sentries and sled-pullers. But were they our friends? Or did that come much later, after we had put them to work?

犬类行为学家克莱夫·韦恩(Clive Wynne)用一个数据驱动型科学家很少使用的词来回答是什么导致狗与我们建立联系的问题。他写道:“狗的本质是爱。” 4韦恩将狗的爱定义为一种极端的超社会性,这种行为在人类身上被认为是不正常的。5他指出,与人互动会激活狗大脑的奖励中心,就像食物一样。6然而,虽然狗的大脑继承了为与人类建立关系做好准备的结构,但它们仍然需要与人接触才能巩固爱的持久联系。7这样,它们对人的爱既是遗传的,也是后天获得的。

Canine behaviourist Clive Wynne answers the question of what causes dogs to bond with us with a word seldom used by data-driven scientists. ‘The essence of dog is love,’ he writes.4 Wynne defines canine love as an extreme hyper-sociality that would be considered abnormal in a human.5 He points out that interacting with people activates the reward centres of a dog’s brain, just as food does.6 However, while dogs inherit structures in their brains that prepare them for relationships with humans, they still require exposure to people to cement a loving and lasting bond.7 In this way their love for people is both inherited and acquired.

一组研究人员向受试者展示了不同年龄段狗狗的照片,他们认为八周大的幼犬最可爱,而这正是它们的母亲把它们赶出窝的年龄。研究人员认为,幼犬越可爱,就越有可能被人类收养,从而将基因遗传给下一代。8或许是狗狗的天性,但要充分展现这种特质,也需要人类的悉心照料。

When a team of researchers presented people with pictures of dogs at various ages, they judged puppies to be cutest at eight weeks old, exactly the age when their mothers are kicking them out of the den. The cuter the puppy, these researchers believe, the more likely it is to be adopted by humans and thus able to pass on genes to the next generation.8 It may be the nature of dogs to love, but the full expression of this quality also requires human nurture.

当我在圣地亚哥遇到新几内亚唱犬时,它们见到新人类时兴奋得几乎要摔倒了。9相比之下,西伯利亚狐狸则显得有些矜持。唱犬充满爱,因为JAB犬科动物教育与保护中心的艾米和戴夫·巴塞特从小就把它们养大。据韦恩所说,社会化时期的印记是“爱的基因……与真正爱人的狗之间缺失的关键环节”。10如果我们能够利用这些“爱的基因”,或许就能让任何动物都变得同样驯服136可爱。想象一下,一只温顺的熊在早上帮你叼拖鞋,或者一只友善的狮子让你的孩子骑在它的背上。

When I met the New Guinea singing dogs in San Diego, they all but fell over themselves in excitement at meeting a new human.9 The Siberian foxes, in contrast, possessed a certain reserve. The singing dogs were full of love because Amy and Dave Bassett at the JAB Canid Education and Conservation Center had raised them from puppyhood. According to Wynne, imprinting during the socialisation period is ‘the crucial missing link between genes for love … and a dog that actually loves people’.10 If we could tap into these ‘genes for love’, perhaps we could make any animal just as domesticated 136and lovable. Imagine a tame bear fetching your slippers in the morning, or a friendly lion giving your child a ride on its back.

如果我可以选择驯服任何动物,我会选斑马。你可能会觉得驯服它们并不难。毕竟,它们和马的亲缘关系如此密切,以至于它们可以交配——即使它们产生的后代——斑马——不育且不太温顺。如果我们找到几只温顺的斑马,让它们一起繁殖,并重复这个过程,我们最终肯定会得到像我们爱它们一样爱我们的斑马吧?毕竟,这种驯服的选择在西伯利亚狐狸实验中就奏效了。

If I could choose any animal to tame, I’d pick the zebra. You’d think that taming them wouldn’t be that difficult. After all, they’re so closely related to horses that the two can mate – even if the offspring that result, zebroids, are sterile and not especially docile. If we found a few calm zebras, bred them together and repeated the process, surely we’d end up with zebras that love us as much as we love them? After all, such selection for tameness worked in the Siberian-fox experiment.

可惜的是,这种技术似乎并不适用于所有动物。17世纪定居南非的欧洲养马者,几个世纪以来一直试图驯服斑马,但都以失败告终。马匹对欧洲殖民主义至关重要,但许多马匹在非洲死于斑马自身免疫的疾病。那么,为什么所有斑马后代都像它们的条纹祖先一样野性十足呢?作者贾雷德·戴蒙德给出了两个原因。首先,斑马极具攻击性——你可能会惊讶地发现,它们伤害的动物园管理员比老虎还多。其次,斑马广阔的周边视野和甩头反射使它们擅长逃脱驯服的尝试。例如,它们根本无法用绳子套住。11

Unfortunately this technique doesn’t seem to work with all animals. European horse-breeders, having settled in South Africa in the seventeenth century, tried unsuccessfully to tame zebras for several centuries. Horses were crucial to European colonialism, but many perished in Africa from diseases to which zebras were immune. So why do all zebra offspring remain as wild as their striped forebears? The author Jared Diamond offers two reasons. First, zebras are highly aggressive – you might be surprised to learn that they injure more zookeepers than tigers do. Second, the wide peripheral vision and head-flick reflex of zebras make them good at escaping attempts to tame them. For example, they are impossible to lasso with a rope.11

这或许能解释为什么地球上 148 种大型哺乳动物中只有 14 种被驯化——如果算上新驯服的西伯利亚狐,则有 15 种。12并不是因为缺乏尝试;似乎有些物种已经进化出顽强的特性,阻碍了驯化。

This may offer a clue as to why only fourteen of the 148 large mammal species on Earth have been domesticated – fifteen if we include the newly tame Siberian foxes.12 It’s not from lack of trying; it seems that robust traits have evolved in some species that stand in the way of domestication.

人类之所以有驯服斑马的想法,是因为其他动物已经被驯服了。那么,在缺乏先例可循的时代,史前人类是如何决定驯服狼的呢?查尔斯·达尔文在家养动物方面最伟大的发现是“无意识选择”,这与他137在自然界观察到的现象如出一辙。他认为,人类会选择那些能给人类带来某种价值或优势的动物作为伴侣,而从未想过要对整个品种进行改良。13换句话说,达尔文认为某些狼对史前人类一定有着特殊的吸引力——但我们很难理解,在身边饲养一只凶猛的狼究竟有什么吸引力。

People only had the idea of trying to tame zebras because other animals were already domesticated, so how did prehistoric people decide to domesticate wolves at a time when there were no previous models to guide them? Charles Darwin’s greatest discovery involving domesticated animals was ‘unconscious selection’, which mirrored what he had observed 137in nature. Humans, he suggested, selected individual animals to keep nearby that provided them with some value or advantage, without any thought of improving the breed overall.13 In other words, Darwin believed that certain wolves must have had a special appeal to prehistoric humans – but it’s hard for us to see the attraction in keeping a ferocious wolf nearby.

达尔文的无意识选择理论只对某些物种有效,狗就是最好的例子。然而,狼既好斗又害羞——这些特质甚至可以超越人工选择——那么它们是如何变成狗的呢?

Darwin’s unconscious selection only worked on certain species, with dogs being the prime example. However, wolves are both aggressive and shy – qualities that can even override artificial selection – so how did they turn into dogs?

狗的狼祖先源自伊特鲁里亚狼(Canis etruscus),这是一种食肉动物,出现于170万至190万年前的冰河时代,并遍布欧洲、非洲和亚洲,然后跨越陆桥进入北美洲——这一爆炸性扩张被称为狼事件。14

The dog’s wolf ancestor derived from the Etruscan wolf (Canis etruscus), a carnivore that appeared 1.7–1.9 million years ago during the Ice Age and spread across Europe, Africa and Asia before crossing the land bridge into North America – an explosive expansion known as the Wolf Event.14

当时,智人刚刚开始离开非洲。我们自己的人口扩张到全球各个角落直到后来才发生,但经过15000年,我们几乎将所有大型食肉动物逼到了灭绝的边缘——当然,狼除外。15

Homo sapiens was just starting to leave Africa at that time. Our own population expansion to all corners of the globe didn’t occur until later, but 15,000 years into it we had driven virtually every large carnivore to the brink of extinction – except, that is, for wolves.15

事实上,狼对早期人类来说是一场激烈的竞争——自然选择反而会进一步拉大我们之间的距离。马、猪和牛的野生祖先或许胆小且好斗,但它们都不是肉食性动物。狼难道不是最不可能被成功驯化的候选者吗?

In fact wolves represented significant competition to early humans – and natural selection would have pushed us further apart. The wild ancestors of horses, pigs and cattle may have been shy and aggressive, but none of them were carnivorous predators. Surely wolves were the least likely candidates for successful domestication?

然而,我们应该记住,圈养的野生动物个体能够逐渐适应人类,就像藏王狐狸村那只平静却无动于衷的狐狸一样,它坐在我腿上。马戏团里的狮子和老虎等动物也是野生动物的例子,它们不仅被训练得能容忍我们,还能听从人类的指令。关键在于从小就开始饲养这些动物。如果它们想接受人类为朋友,就必须处于康拉德·洛伦兹所说的“社会化窗口”之内。138

However, we should remember that individual wild animals raised in captivity can become habituated to humans, exactly like the calm but disinterested fox that sat on my lap at Zaō Fox Village. Circus animals like lions and tigers are other examples of wild animals that are trained not merely to tolerate us, but to do the bidding of humans. The key is to raise the animals when they are very young. They must be within Konrad Lorenz’s socialisation window if they are to accept people as friends. 138

但野生动物永远无法真正驯服;它们凶猛的天性可能会突然爆发,造成悲剧性的后果。魔术师齐格弗里德和罗伊曾用一只名叫“曼塔科尔”的人工饲养白虎表演魔术,直到2003年,这只白虎在惊恐的观众面前突然袭击罗伊,使他重伤。经过训练的野生动物的后代永远是野性的——每一代都必须经过人工饲养才能适应人类,即使如此,它们的行为仍然难以预测。而家养动物从出生起就比野生动物更加温顺。驯服是它们基因的一部分。

But wild animals can never become truly tame; their fierce nature can suddenly assert itself, with tragic results. The magicians Siegfried and Roy performed with a hand-raised white tiger named Mantacore until he suddenly attacked Roy in front of a horrified audience in 2003, leaving him seriously injured. The offspring of trained wild animals are always wild – each generation must be hand-raised if they are to tolerate people, and they remain unpredictable even then. Domesticated animals, on the other hand, are calmer than their wild counterparts from birth. Tameness is part of their genetic heritage.

解开动物如何从野生过渡到驯服的谜团,对于发现我们毛茸茸伙伴身上“可爱”的重要性至关重要。在某个时期,狼崽长大后不再变得凶猛、多疑和狂野,而是保持友好、好玩和相对温顺的性格。当这些因素作为遗传特征融入它们的基因组时,狼就变成了狗。达尔文的无意识选择概念并没有描述这一过程,但目前出现了两种可能的理论:宠物收养理论和垃圾场理论。

Solving the mystery of how animals transition from wild to tame is crucial to discovering the importance of cuteness in our furry companions. At some point wolf pups stopped turning fierce, suspicious and wild as they grew up, remaining friendly, playful and relatively docile. When these factors became built into their genome as inherited traits, wolves became dogs. Darwin’s concept of unconscious selection doesn’t describe how this happened, but two possible theories have arisen: the pet-adoption theory and the rubbish-dump theory.

宠物收养理论

The pet-adoption theory

其中一个可能解释我们的犬类伙伴如何变得友善的理论是“宠物领养”理论。根据这一长期以来被广泛接受的假说,大约在1.5万到4万年前,人类开始把狼崽带回家。他们养育幼崽,与它们玩耍,最终共同培育出最友善的宠物。随着时间的推移,他们创造了狗——世界上第一种被驯化的动物。

One of the competing ideas that might explain how our canine companions became friendly is the ‘pet adoption’ theory. According to this hypothesis, long the accepted view, somewhere between 15,000 and 40,000 years ago people began bringing wolf puppies home with them. They raised them, played with them and eventually bred the friendliest of their pets together. Over time they created the dog, the world’s first domesticated animal.

为了让狼适应人类,需要在幼崽闭眼时将它们与母亲分开。这是因为社会化窗口期——幼崽接受陌生人的时期——仅在139其出生后的最初几周开放。然而,抚养狼幼崽是一项艰巨的任务。例如,史前人类如何喂养那些还未到可以吃固体食物的年龄的狼幼崽?一些科学家认为,它们一定是由收养它们的人进行母乳喂养的。

Making wolves accustomed to humans requires the pups to be separated from their mothers when their eyes are still closed. This is because the socialisation window – the period in which puppies will accept strangers – is only open for the first few 139weeks of their lives. But raising wolf puppies is a demanding task. For example, how could prehistoric people have fed wolf pups that were not old enough to eat solid food? Some scientists have suggested that they must have been breastfed by the people who adopted them.

进化生物学家凯瑟琳·洛德对此持不同意见。“我觉得这个想法太可怕了,”她说。“狼的牙齿非常锋利,如果奶水不足,就会开始拼命咬人。” 16作为研究狗和狼如何发育的一部分,洛德亲手饲养了40多只狼崽,使它们进行社会化——而且,由于她睡在狼崽旁边,每次它们饿了,她都必须保持警惕。洛德描绘的画面如此生动,以至于我惊讶地发现,女性曾经母乳喂养过狼崽的想法在生物学家中得到了广泛支持。事实证明,狼崽的喂养方式是解答它们如何变成狗这个有争议的问题的关键部分。

The evolutionary biologist Kathryn Lord begs to differ. ‘It’s a horrific idea to me,’ she says. ‘Wolves have extremely sharp teeth and when they don’t get enough milk, they start biting really hard.’16 As part of her research into how dogs and wolves develop, Lord has hand-raised more than forty wolf pups by hand to socialise them – and, sleeping next to her charges, she had to be vigilant every time they became hungry. Lord paints such a vivid picture that I was surprised to find that the idea that women once breastfed wolf puppies has significant support among biologists. It turns out that the way wolf pups were fed is a crucial part of the answer to the contentious question of how they turned into dogs.

当我第一次接触宠物收养理论时,我以为人们收养小狼崽是因为它们可爱得令人无法抗拒。因此,当我发现一些科学家推测可爱最有可能的解释时,我感到很欣慰。17由此可见,对可爱的渴望驱使人们饲养狗这种终生可爱的动物。

When I first encountered the pet-adoption theory, I assumed that people had brought wolf puppies into their care because they were irresistibly cute, so I was delighted to discover that some scientists speculate that cuteness was the most likely explanation.17 It follows that the desire for adorability drove people to breed dogs, creatures that are cute for their entire lives.

尽管洛德关于狼幼崽无法母乳喂养的观察似乎打消了这种想法,但许多科学家仍然支持宠物收养理论。在我们讨论狼驯化的第二种理论之前,让我们先更深入地探讨一下宠物饲养假说,同时记住狼幼崽锋利的牙齿。

Although Lord’s observation about the impossibility of breastfeeding wolf pups seems to put this idea to rest, many scientists continue to support the pet-adoption theory. Before we get to the second theory of wolf domestication, let’s look more closely at the pet-keeping hypothesis, while keeping those sharp wolf puppy teeth in mind.

第一个提出动物驯化始于宠物收养的人是弗朗西斯·高尔顿,他是查尔斯·达尔文的同父异母表兄,他对世界各地将野生动物作为宠物饲养的土著居民十分着迷。140他在1865年写道:“所有旅行者都知道一个事实,那就是野蛮人经常捕捉各种幼小的动物,把它们当作宠儿饲养,然后作为珍品出售或赠送。”认为,驯服可爱幼崽的愿望是人类天性的普遍特征,解释了动物最初是如何被驯化的。在阐述他的观点时,他指出驯服是驯养的首要选择标准。

The first person to suggest that animal domestication began with pet adoption was Francis Galton, a half-cousin of Charles Darwin,18 who was fascinated by indigenous people all over the world who kept wild animals as pets. ‘It is a fact familiar to 140all travellers,’ he wrote in 1865, ‘that savages frequently capture young animals of various kinds, and rear them as favourites, and sell or present them as curiosities.’19 He suggested that the desire to tame cute baby animals is a universal aspect of human nature,20 which explained how animals were originally domesticated. In making his case, he pointed to tameness as the top selection criteria for domestication.21

这种设想或许可以解释我们渴望身边有可爱伙伴的起源。其理论认为,史前人类偶然发现了一只死去或濒死的母狼,并被她可爱的幼崽深深吸引,于是把它们带回家与自己一起生活。支持宠物领养理论的科学家指出,许多原住民社会会收养各种各样的野生动物幼崽作为村落宠物,通常是因为它们很可爱。世界各地的村庄都从野外引进松鼠、猴子、水獭、浣熊、巨嘴鸟、鹦鹉、负鼠,甚至熊崽,并在这些地方长大。许多早期人类学家的报告都指出,各种村落宠物都是由女性母乳喂养的,但这些报告通常只是传闻,而非有据可查的记录。22

This scenario would explain the origin of our desire to surround ourselves with cute companions. The idea was that prehistoric people stumbled on a dead or dying mother wolf and were so struck by her cute pups that they brought them home to live with them. Scientists who support the pet-adoption theory point out that many aboriginal societies adopted various kinds of baby wild animals as village pets, often because they were cute. Squirrels, monkeys, otters, racoons, toucans, parrots, opossums and even bear cubs were brought in from the wild and raised in villages all over the world. There are many reports from early anthropologists that various village pets were breastfed by women, but these are most often anecdotal tales rather than documented accounts.22

我很惊讶地发现了太平洋岛屿民族中妇女哺乳小猪的照片证据。23然而,正如凯瑟琳·洛德指出的那样,小猪和狼崽之间存在很大差异,在我们寻找解释狗的发育过程的过程中,狼崽锋利的牙齿仍然是宠物收养理论的障碍。

I was surprised to find photographic evidence of women breastfeeding piglets among the island peoples of the Pacific.23 However, as Kathryn Lord points out, there’s a big difference between piglets and wolf puppies, whose sharp teeth remain a barrier to the pet-adoption theory in our search to explain the development of the dog.

垃圾场理论

The rubbish-dump theory

第二种狼驯化理论是由康拉德·洛伦兹本人提出的。1953年,他出版了一本名为《人与狗的相遇》的书,书中首先描绘了一个史前场景。洛伦兹写道,大约5万年前,游牧的狩猎采集者群体在狩猎方面取得了巨大的成功,以至于141食腐动物开始跟随他们,希望能得到剩下的食物。随着时间的推移,狩猎采集者注意到这些动物有一些实用的功能,比如每当它们嗅到附近的捕食者时就会嚎叫和吠叫。最终,这些动物中最温顺、最聪明的开始跟随狩猎队伍,并从中分得一杯羹。就这样,狗诞生了。24

The second theory of wolf domestication was proposed by Konrad Lorenz himself. In 1953 he published a book called Man Meets Dog, which begins by imagining a prehistoric scene. Some 50,000 years ago, Lorenz writes, bands of nomadic hunter-gatherers attained such success with hunting that 141scavengers began to follow them around, hoping for leftovers. Over time the hunter-gatherers noticed that these animals had useful functions, such as howling and barking whenever they smelled a nearby predator. Eventually the tamest and cleverest of these animals started accompanying hunting expeditions and earned a share of the spoils. In this way, the dog was born.24

洛伦兹的寓言被称为清道夫理论或垃圾场理论,但科学家们花了半个世纪的时间才认真对待这个想法。21 世纪初,雷和洛娜·科平格以生活在垃圾堆里的狗为例,进一步阐述了这一理论。25估计,全世界有 10 亿只狗,其中大多数是散养的“村狗”,不属于任何人, 26主要靠吃垃圾和人类粪便为生。科平格夫妇提出,以人类垃圾为食为野生动物提供了一个作为清道夫开辟出一片天地的机会。在这样的环境中茁壮成长的动物逃跑反射会略低,对人类存在的耐受性会略高——就像最初被选中繁育下一代的西伯利亚狐幼崽一样。

Lorenz’s fable became known as the scavenger or rubbish-dump theory, but it took a half-century for scientists to take the idea seriously. In the early 2000s Ray and Lorna Coppinger expanded on it, using the example of dogs that live on rubbish dumps.25 A majority of the world’s estimated one billion dogs are free-range ‘village dogs’ that don’t belong to anyone26 and survive mainly by eating rubbish and human faeces. The Coppingers proposed that feeding on human refuse represented an opportunity for wild animals to carve out a niche as scavengers. The animals that thrived in such an environment would have had a slightly lower flight reflex and a slightly higher tolerance for the presence of humans – just like the initial Siberian-fox cubs that were chosen to breed the next generation.

在德米特里·别利亚耶夫的实验中,只有大约10%的原始狐狸表现出对人类的恐惧程度低于其他狐狸。如果狼也存在同样的恐惧谱,那么每一代新的食腐狼都会包含一些对陌生人稍微宽容一些的个体。这些狼能够在新的食物来源附近停留更长时间,而不会一见到人类就逃跑。而且,由于它们经常一起玩耍,它们也相互繁殖。

Only around 10 per cent of the original foxes in Dmitri Belyaev’s experiment showed less fear of humans than the others. If the same spectrum exists in wolves, each new generation of scavenger wolves would have contained a few individuals that were slightly more tolerant of strangers. These wolves would have been able to stay longer near their new food source without running away at the first sign of a human. And since they were hanging out together, they bred with each other.

这是凯瑟琳·洛德更倾向于的理论。“与人类保持密切联系的能力是进化过程中的一个关键发展,”她说。“它们之所以能够在竞争中胜过野狼,是因为飞行距离缩短了。” 27以人类粪便为食的半野性狗缺乏社会性,但它们已经习惯了人类的存在,只要它们离得太近——有点像公园里的鸽子。142

This is the theory that Kathryn Lord prefers. ‘The ability to stay close to humans became a key evolutionary development,’ she says. ‘They could outcompete wild wolves because the flight distance decreases.’27 The semi-feral dogs that live on human refuse are unsocialised, but they are accustomed to the presence of humans as long as they don’t get too close – a bit like pigeons in a park. 142

从审美层面来看,“垃圾场理论”不如“宠物收养假说”那么有吸引力。它并非提出狗是被人类收养的可爱狼崽的后代,而是认为靠人类垃圾生活的狼进化成了我们犬类伙伴。但它除了解决了狼崽锋利牙齿带来的难题外,还解决了“宠物收养假说”的另一个问题:即使早期人类确实收养了狼崽,一窝通常也只有四只幼崽——这个数量不足以在不造成过度近亲繁殖的情况下从中挑选出最友善的个体。

On an aesthetic level, the rubbish-dump theory lacks the appeal of the pet-adoption hypothesis. Instead of proposing that dogs are the descendants of cute wolf puppies that were adopted by humans, it suggests that wolves living off human rubbish evolved into our canine companions. But in addition to resolving the conundrum raised by the wolf pups’ sharp teeth, it solves another problem with the pet-adoption hypothesis: even if early humans did adopt wolf puppies, a typical litter consists of just four pups – an inadequate population from which to choose the friendliest individuals without excessive inbreeding.

根据垃圾堆理论,即使没有人类干预,一个由更友善的狼组成的可繁殖种群也能发展起来。狐狸实验告诉我们,驯化综合症只需几代就能开始显现。尽管狼进化成狗的时间无疑要长得多,但食用人类的残羹剩饭可能是它们走上这条道路的开端。

Under the rubbish-dump theory, a viable breeding population of friendlier wolves would have developed without human intervention. The fox experiment tells us that the domestication syndrome can begin to manifest after only a few generations. Although wolves undoubtedly took much longer than that to become dogs, eating human leftovers may have started them on that path.

随着时间的流逝,史前人类会注意到垃圾堆周围的动物发生了变化。这些新来者会拥有更可爱的外表和更友善的举止。起初它们会被忽视,但这些原始的狗会乐于与人类接触。一旦人类回应了它们的友好,一段新的关系就可能开始。垃圾堆理论最有趣的一点是,狼可能有效地驯服了自己。28如果这是正确的,那么动物的可爱会激发我们对它们的欣赏,进而导致更多动物变得可爱。

As time went by, prehistoric people would have noticed that the animals hanging around their rubbish heaps had changed. The new arrivals would have had a cuter appearance and a friendlier demeanour. At first they would have been ignored, but these proto-dogs would have been open to human contact. Once people responded to their friendliness, a new relationship could begin. The most interesting aspect of the rubbish-dump theory is that wolves may have effectively tamed themselves.28 If that’s right, then the cuteness of animals encouraged our appreciation of it, which in turn resulted in more cuteness.

如何喂养狼

How to feed a wolf

尽管这一理论颇具吸引力,支持宠物收养理论的科学家却引用了最近的研究,指出垃圾场假说存在问题。雷·科平格和洛娜·科平格夫妇估计,一个拥有280143人的社区需要产生足够的垃圾来养活一群狼。29科平格夫妇假设驯化发生在大约8000年前,但目前的观点认为狼的驯化至少发生在15000年前,甚至可能更早。30当时,人们以小群体生活,经常迁徙;考虑到一只狼每天需要多达六七磅的高蛋白食物,这个数字根本说不通。31

Despite the appeal of this theory, scientists who favour the pet-adoption theory cite recent research that indicates a problem with the rubbish-dump hypothesis. Ray and Lorna Coppinger 143have estimated that it would take a community of 280 people to generate enough waste to feed a founder group of wolves.29 The Coppingers assumed that domestication took place around 8,000 years ago, but current thinking sets the date of wolf domestication to at least 15,000 years ago, and possibly earlier still.30 At that time, people lived in small groups and moved around a lot; considering that one wolf needs up to six or seven pounds of high-protein food per day, the maths just doesn’t add up.31

然而,一个新的假说解释了人类如何喂养狼。芬兰食品管理局的玛丽亚·拉赫蒂宁(Maria Lahtinen)及其研究团队指出,狼是在冰河时代后期被驯化的,当时冰川覆盖了欧亚大陆西部的大部分地区。由于植物生长季较短,该地区的人们依赖狩猎,但摄入过多的蛋白质会导致人类出现一系列健康问题。32

However, a new hypothesis offers an explanation for how humans may have fed wolves. Maria Lahtinen of the Finnish Food Authority and a team of researchers have pointed out that wolves became domesticated during the latter part of the Ice Age, when glaciers covered much of western Eurasia. The shortness of the growing season meant that people in that part of the world relied on hunting, yet eating too much protein causes a host of medical problems in humans.32

另一方面,狼却完美地适应了高蛋白饮食。拉赫蒂宁和她的团队发现,人类产生的蛋白质超过了它们安全摄入的量,尤其是在冬季;他们剩下的肉可以为狼同伴提供食物,使两个物种都受益。狼得到了食物,而人类则得到了捕食者逼近的警告。33

Wolves, on the other hand, are perfectly adapted to a high-protein diet. Lahtinen and her team found that humans would have produced more protein than they could have safely consumed, especially in the winter months; their leftover meat could have provided food for their wolf companions, with both species benefiting. The wolves received food, and the humans were warned of approaching predators.33

拉赫蒂宁团队认为人类故意捕捉并喂养狼崽,因此他们支持的是宠物收养论,而不是垃圾场论。34然而,这并没有解决凯瑟琳·洛德的观点,即在狼崽能够消化肉之前不可能喂养它们——这是一个真正的症结所在。

In their suggestion that humans deliberately captured and fed wolf pups, Lahtinen’s team supports the pet-adoption theory rather than the rubbish-dump theory.34 However, this doesn’t address Kathryn Lord’s point about the impossibility of feeding wolf puppies before they were able to digest meat – a real sticking point.

支持宠物收养理论的最后一点证据,为人类与狼的关系提供了一个推测性却又发人深省的解释,但首先我想解答一个挥之不去的问题。西伯利亚狐实验的成功144表明,其他犬科动物的适应能力足以被驯化,但只有狼最终被驯服了。为什么现在我的脚边没有一只可爱的豺呢?

One last piece of supporting evidence for the pet-adoption theory offers a speculative, yet evocative account of the relationship between humans and wolves, but first I want to address a lingering question. The success of the Siberian-fox experiment 144shows that other canines are adaptable enough to become domesticated, yet only wolves became tame. Why isn’t there a lovable jackal lying at my feet right now?

之前我们看到,康拉德·洛伦兹是第一个提出“垃圾场驯化理论”的人。事实上,他认为狗并非由狼进化而来,而是由金豺——一种天生的食腐动物——进化而来。35洛伦兹认为,狼过于独立,无法解释狗对人类无差别的友好。36他后来又收回了这一观点。狗与豺不同,可以与狼杂交,而且豺的行为的其他细节也与狗不同

Earlier we saw that Konrad Lorenz was the first to propose the rubbish-dump theory of domestication. In fact, he believed that dogs had evolved not from wolves but from the golden jackal, a natural scavenger.35 Wolves, Lorenz thought, were too independent to account for dogs’ indiscriminate friendliness towards people.36 He later retracted this idea. Dogs, unlike jackals, can cross-breed with wolves, and other details of jackal behaviour don’t match.

是什么赋予了狼群优势?约翰·布拉德肖在《狗的感知》(Dog Sense)一书中写道:“犬科动物的基因组就像一把瑞士军刀,它是一种社会工具,能够抵御进化变化,并能用来应对各种各样的情况。” 37布拉德肖认为,犬科动物的“工具”包括灵敏的嗅觉和狩猎技能,但最重要的元素是灵活的社会性。他认为,狼之所以能够被驯化,是因为它们渴望陪伴。关键在于它们能够建立跨物种联系;换句话说,它们将其他动物视为家人。

What was it that gave wolves the advantage? ‘The canid genome is rather like a Swiss Army knife,’ writes John Bradshaw in Dog Sense, ‘a social toolkit that has remained resistant to evolutionary change and can be used to cope with a wide variety of circumstances.’37 Bradshaw’s canid toolkit includes a good nose and hunting skills, but the most important element is flexible sociality. It is their thirst for company, he maintains, that enabled wolves to be domesticated. The key point is their ability to make cross-species connections; in other words, to view other animals as family.

对布拉德肖来说,狼群的吸引力正是狼区别于其他犬科动物(例如豺或狐狸)的关键所在。狼会合作繁殖,这意味着狼群中较年轻的成员通常会帮助抚养幼崽。因此,狼群并非由“阿尔法”个体主导,而是以合作的方式运作的家庭单位。通过融入这种灵活的家庭结构,人类得以驯化它们。38我们劫持了它们正常的亲属识别机制——就像康拉德·洛伦兹对他的鹅所做的那样。39

For Bradshaw, the lure of the pack is what distinguishes wolves from other canids like jackals or foxes. Wolves practise cooperative breeding, which means that younger pack members often help to raise their baby brothers and sisters. Thus wolf packs, rather than being dominated by ‘alpha’ individuals, are family units that operate cooperatively. By inserting ourselves into this flexible family structure, humans were able to domesticate them.38 We hijacked their normal kin-recognition mechanisms – just as Konrad Lorenz did with his geese.39

布拉德肖认为,狼的驯化可能是基因的偶然事件。一种突变降低了少数狼对陌生人的恐惧,使它们能够与其他物种建立联系,这种突变可能一直处于休眠状态,直到145通过人类接触才被激活。换句话说,一小部分狼可能在基因上预先适应了与人类共存。40西伯利亚狐实验表明,一部分狐狸也具有这种天生的预先适应能力,而且它可能也是其他物种基因组的一部分。

Bradshaw believes that wolf domestication might have been an accident of genetics. A mutation that reduced the fear of strangers in a few wolves, which enabled them to bond with another species, could have lain dormant until it was activated 145through human contact. In other words, a small percentage of wolves could have been genetically pre-adapted for coexistence with people.40 The Siberian-fox experiment shows that a small percentage of foxes also had this inborn pre-adaption, and it may be a part of other species’ genomes, too.

在大多数环境中,这种“友善基因”不会带来生存优势。另一方面,如果整体环境变得更加和平,就会鼓励友善个体的选择。这正是垃圾场理论和宠物收养理论的共同点。41无论如何喂养,一小部分愿意接受跨物种依恋的狼最终很可能变成了狗。

In most environments this ‘friendliness gene’ wouldn’t confer a survival advantage. On the other hand, if the overall environment became more peaceful, it would encourage selection for friendly individuals. This is where the rubbish-dump theory and the pet-adoption theory have common ground.41 No matter how they were fed, it’s probable that a small percentage of wolves that were amenable to cross-species attachment eventually became dogs.

然而,一个问题依然存在:在短暂的社会化时期,这些更加友善的狼是如何适应人类的?18世纪70年代初,英国探险家塞缪尔·赫恩出版了一本日记,记录了他游历哈德逊湾地区(即如今的加拿大)的旅程。赫恩写道,狼“总是钻到地下产仔;虽然人们自然会认为它们在这种时候非常凶猛,但我却经常看到印第安人走进狼穴,把幼崽抱出来玩耍” 。42

Still, however, a question remains: how could the friendlier wolves have been made accustomed to humans during their short socialisation window? In the early 1770s the English explorer Samuel Hearne published a diary of his trip around the Hudson Bay area of what is now Canada. According to Hearne, wolves ‘always burrow under-ground to bring forth their young; and though it is natural to suppose them very fierce at those times, yet I have frequently seen the Indians go to their dens and take out the young ones and play with them’.42

我第一次读到赫恩的叙述时,不禁好奇这种做法是如何开始的。是谁第一个把手伸进狼窝的?我差点就否定了他的轶事,这时我读到了狼行为专家本森·金斯伯格的这段话:“根据我的经验,如果你把手伸进一个有新生狼的围栏里,一定比例的狼会立刻冲过来,永远不想让你离开……其他幼崽会逃跑,还有一些会陷入回避状态。成年后,那些群居的狼会变得善于与人类交往。” 43

When I first read Hearne’s account, I wondered how this practice would have begun. Who was first to stick their hand into a wolf den? I was on the verge of dismissing his anecdote when I read this statement by wolf-behaviour expert Benson Ginsburg: ‘It is my experience that if you put your hand into a pen with newborn wolves, a certain percentage will come immediately and never want you to leave … Other pups will run away and still others will be stuck in avoidance-approach. As adults, the social ones can become sociable to humans.’43

事实上,人与动物互动专家詹姆斯·瑟佩尔引用了赫恩的描述作为宠物收养理论的证据。他指出,只有少数这种被亲手抚摸过的146狼崽在成年后会与人类相处,但那些确实如此的狼崽可能彼此交配,最终变成了狗。44

In fact James Serpell, an expert on human–animal interactions, quotes Hearne’s account as evidence of the pet-adoption theory. He points out that only a minority of such hand-fondled 146wolf pups would have hung around people after they matured, but those that did may have bred with each other and eventually became dogs.44

对于许多狩猎采集者和半游牧部落群体来说,狼具有精神上的重要意义,他们认为狼是重要的图腾神、导师,甚至是精神兄弟。45所有美洲原住民部落都认为狼可以教给人类很多东西。46更引人注目的是,各种原住民口述历史都包含喂养狼或与狼分享食物的故事。47这种态度在几千年前是否存在?如果是这样,也许对成年狼的尊重关系会延伸到与可爱的幼崽嬉戏的关系。令人着迷的是,人类和狼崽之间的相互玩耍可能是解释狼如何变成狗的最后一块拼图。

Wolves had a spiritual importance for many hunter-gatherer and semi-nomadic pastoral tribal groups, who considered them to be important totemic spirits, teachers and even spiritual brothers.45 All Native American tribes believe that wolves have much to teach human beings.46 Even more striking is the fact that various Native oral histories include stories about feeding or sharing food with wolves.47 Did this attitude exist many thousands of years ago? If so, maybe a respectful relationship with adult wolves extended to a playful one with their cute puppies. It’s fascinating to think that mutual play between humans and wolf puppies may be the final piece of the puzzle explaining how wolves became dogs.

日本的万物有灵精神传统中,嬉闹的情趣根深蒂固,这或许就是拟人化的动物经常出现在日本艺术作品中的原因。当代日本文化也对活生生的动物情有独钟。如今,我在东京街头看到婴儿车时,里面的人很可能是狗,也可能是人。然而,有一只狗尤其体现了日本人对可爱和犬类美德的热爱。它的名字叫八公。

Playfulness is deeply imbued in Japan’s animist spiritual tradition, which may be why anthropomorphic animals appeared so often in its art. Contemporary Japanese culture is in love with live animals, too. These days, when I see a pram on the streets of Tokyo, its occupant is as likely to be canine as human. However, there is one dog in particular that represents the Japanese attachment to both cuteness and canine virtues. His name is Hachiko.

笔记

Notes

1 Trut 等人,《驯化过程中的动物进化》,第 6 页。

1 Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication’, p. 6.

2 Dugatkin 和 Trut,《如何驯服狐狸》,第 80 页。驯服狐狸的 HPA 轴(负责调节应激反应)功能减弱。驯服狐狸的基础皮质醇水平和应激诱导皮质醇水平均比对照组低三到五倍。此外,驯服狐狸体内的血清素(一种抑制攻击性行为并促进平静的物质)水平也显著升高。Trut 等人,《动物驯化过程中的进化》,第 6-10 页。

2 Dugatkin and Trut, How to Tame a Fox, p. 80. The HPA (hypothalamic pituitary adrenal) axis, which regulates stress response, was attenuated in the tame foxes. Both basal and stress-induced cortisol levels were three to five times lower in the tame foxes compared to the control population. Serotonin, which inhibits aggressive behaviour and promotes calmness, was also found at significantly higher levels in the tame foxes. Trut et al., ‘Animal Evolution During Domestication, pp. 6–10.

3有关儿童可爱程度峰值的研究综述,请参阅Gary D. Sherman和Jonathan Haidt合著的《可爱与厌恶:情绪的人性化和非人性化效应》,《情绪评论》 3, 3 (2011),第4-5页,doi:10.1177/1754073911402396。有关幼犬可爱程度峰值的研究,请参阅Nadine Chersini等人合著的《幼犬对人类的吸引力在断奶期达到峰值》,《人类学与动物学》 31, 3 (2018),第309-318页,doi:10.1080/08927936.2018.1455454。

3 For a review of studies on peak cuteness levels in children, see Gary D. Sherman and Jonathan Haidt, ‘Cuteness and Disgust: The Humanizing and Dehumanizing Effects of Emotion’, Emotion Review 3, 3 (2011) pp. 4–5, doi:10.1177/1754073911402396. For peak cuteness in puppies, see Nadine Chersini et al., ‘Dog Pups’ Attractiveness to Humans Peaks at Weaning Age’, Anthrozoös 31, 3 (2018) pp. 309–18, doi:10.1080/08927936.2018.1455454.

4 Clive DL Wynne,《狗就是爱:你的狗为何以及如何爱你》(波士顿:Mariner Books,2019 年),第 155 页。

4 Clive D. L. Wynne, Dog Is Love: Why and How Your Dog Loves You (Boston: Mariner Books, 2019), p. 155.

5同上,第 8 页。

5 Ibid., p. 8.

6同上,第 129 页。另请参阅 Gregory S. Berns 等人,“熟悉的气味:一项关于犬类大脑对熟悉和不熟悉的人和狗气味反应的 fMRI 研究”,行为过程110(2015 年),第 37-46 页,doi.org/10.1016/j.beproc.2014.02.011。

6 Ibid., p. 129. See also Gregory S. Berns et al., ‘Scent of the familiar: An fMRI study of canine brain responses to familiar and unfamiliar human and dog odors’, Behavioural Processes 110 (2015), pp. 37–46, doi.org/10.1016/j.beproc.2014.02.011.

7 Wynne,《狗就是爱》,第 32 页。

7 Wynne, Dog Is Love, p. 32.

8 Chersini 等人,“狗幼崽对人类的吸引力在断奶时达到顶峰”。

8 Chersini et al., ‘Dog Pups’ Attractiveness to Humans Peaks at Weaning Age’.

9新几内亚唱犬与人类隔绝了数千年230,但它们仍然保留着成为可爱犬类伙伴的能力。考虑到它们并不具备现代犬类的所有能力,这种行为就更加引人注目了。

9 New Guinea singing dogs were separated from people for thousands 230of years, but they still retain the ability to become lovable canine companions. This behaviour is even more striking considering that they don’t have all the abilities of modern dogs.

10 Wynne,《狗就是爱》,第 209 页。

10 Wynne, Dog Is Love, p. 209.

11 Jared Diamond,《植物和动物驯化的进化、后果和未来》,《自然》 418(2002 年 8 月 8 日),第 700-07 页,doi.org/10.1038/nature01019。

11 Jared Diamond, ‘Evolution, Consequences and Future of Plant and Animal Domestication’, Nature 418 (8 August 2002), pp: 700–07, doi.org/10.1038/nature01019.

12同上,第 702 页。如果算上鸟类和鱼类,驯养动物的种类将达到约 40 种。

12 Ibid., p. 702. The number of domesticated animal species goes up to around forty if birds and fish are included.

13 Claudio J. Bidau,《几个世纪以来的驯化:达尔文的思想与德米特里·别利亚耶夫对银狐的长期实验》,《Gayana》 73,增刊1(2009),第62页,dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0717-65382009000300006。无意识选择的概念有助于解释分化,这是达尔文自然选择理论中一个关键要素,该理论解释了物种形成和进化。在家养物种中,即使经历了相似的繁殖方式,不同的种群也可能发展出不同的特征。因此,在达尔文的分析中,驯化与自然选择是同质的(同上,第68页)。

13 Claudio J. Bidau, ‘Domestication through the Centuries: Darwin’s Ideas and Dmitry Belyaev’s Long-Term Experiment in Silver Foxes’, Gayana 73, Supplement 1 (2009), p. 62, dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0717-65382009000300006. The concept of unconscious selection helps to explain divergence, a crucial element in Darwin’s theory of natural selection that explains speciation and evolution. In domesticated species, different populations can develop distinct characteristics even when they are subjected to similar breeding practices. Thus domestication, in Darwin’s analysis, is homogenous to natural selection (ibid., p. 68).

14 A. Azzaroli,《第四纪哺乳动物和“维拉弗朗奇阶末期”扩散事件——欧亚大陆历史的转折点》,《古地理、古气候学、古生态学》 44(1983),第117-139页,doi:10.1016/0031-0182(83)90008-1。另请参阅Hare和Woods著《狗的天才》,第22页。

14 A. Azzaroli, ‘Quaternary Mammals and the “End-Villafranchian” Dispersal Event – A Turning Point in the History of Eurasia’, Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 44 (1983), pp. 117–39, doi:10.1016/0031-0182(83)90008-1. See also Hare and Woods, The Genius of Dogs, p. 22.

15 Hare 和 Woods,《狗的天才》,第 29 页。

15 Hare and Woods, The Genius of Dogs, p. 29.

16 Neil Sandell,《从清道夫到家庭贵族:狗是如何从狼进化为宠物的》,《Ideas Podcast》(CBC 电台,2021 年 3 月 1 日),www.cbc.ca /radio/ideas/from-scavenger-to-household-royalty-how-dogs-evolved-from-wolves-to-pampered-pets- 1.5930345。

16 Neil Sandell, ‘From scavenger to household royalty: How dogs evolved from wolves to pampered pets’, Ideas Podcast (CBC Radio, 1 March 2021), www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/from-scavenger-to-household-royalty-how-dogs-evolved-from-wolves-to-pampered-pets-1.5930345.

17参见 Bradshaw 的《狗的感觉》,第 49-50 页;Adam Winston 的《起初:狗和狼》,《我们世界中的狗》播客,第 1 集(2017 年 1 月 5 日),podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/ in-the-beginning-dogs-and-wolves/id1163100723?i=1000379664063;以及 Francis Galton 的《动物驯化的第一步》,《伦敦民族学学会汇刊》第 3 卷(1865 年),第 123 页。

17 See Bradshaw, Dog Sense, pp. 49–50; Adam Winston, ‘In the beginning: dogs and wolves’, Dogs in Our World Podcast, Episode 1 (5 January 2017), podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-the-beginning-dogs-and-wolves/id1163100723?i=1000379664063; and Francis Galton, ‘The First Steps towards the Domestication of Animals’, Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London 3 (1865), p. 123.

18高尔顿也是优生学的先驱——事实上,他创造了这个词。

18 Galton was also a pioneer of eugenics – in fact he coined the word.

19 Galton,《动物驯化第一步》,第 123 页。

19 Galton, ‘The First Steps towards the Domestication of Animals’, p. 123.

20同上。231

20 Ibid. 231

21同上,第 137 页。

21 Ibid., p. 137.

22 Bradshaw,《狗的感觉》,第48-50页。另请参阅Frederick J. Simoons和James A. Baldwin,《女性对动物的母乳喂养:其社会文化背景和地理发生》,《人类学杂志》77,第3/4期(1982年),第422-423页,www.jstor.org/ stable/40460478 。

22 Bradshaw, Dog Sense, pp. 48–50. See also Frederick J. Simoons and James A. Baldwin, ‘Breast-Feeding of Animals by Women: Its Socio-Cultural Context and Geographic Occurrence’, Anthropos Bd. 77, H. 3./4. (1982), pp. 422–3, www.jstor.org/stable/40460478.

23 Simoons 和 Baldwin,《女性对动物的母乳喂养》,第 427 页图 2。

23 Simoons and Baldwin, ‘Breast-Feeding of Animals by Women’, p. 427 Fig. 2.

24 Konrad Lorenz,《人遇见狗》,Marjorie Kerr Wilson 译(牛津:劳特利奇,2002 年),第 1-10 页。

24 Konrad Lorenz, Man Meets Dog, trans. Marjorie Kerr Wilson (Oxfordshire: Routledge, 2002), pp. 1–10.

25 Raymond Coppinger 和 Lorna Coppinger,《狗:对犬科起源、行为和进化的惊人新理解》(纽约:Scribner,2001 年)。

25 Raymond Coppinger and Lorna Coppinger, Dogs: A Startling New Understanding of Canine Origin, Behavior and Evolution (New York: Scribner, 2001).

26 Kurt Kotrschal,“狼如何变成狗以及狗如何在满足人类社会需求方面具有价值”,《人与动物:国际研究与实践杂志》 1,1,第 6 篇文章(2018 年),第 12 页,docs.lib.purdue.edu /paij/vol1/iss1/6 。

26 Kurt Kotrschal, ‘How Wolves Turned into Dogs and How Dogs Are Valuable in Meeting Human Social Needs’, People and Animals: The International Journal of Research and Practice 1, 1, Article 6 (2018), p. 12, docs.lib.purdue.edu/paij/vol1/iss1/6.

27 Sandell,“从清道夫到家庭贵族”。

27 Sandell, ‘From scavenger to household royalty’.

28 Hare 和 Woods,《狗的天才》,第 89-90 页。

28 Hare and Woods, The Genius of Dogs, pp. 89–90.

29 Christoph Jung 和 Daniela Pörtl,《清道夫假说:缺乏垃圾场驯化狗的证据》,《狗的行为》2(2018 年),第 43 页。

29 Christoph Jung and Daniela Pörtl, ‘Scavenging Hypothesis: Lack of evidence for Dog Domestication on the Waste Dump’, Dog Behavior 2 (2018), p. 43.

30同上,第 42 页。

30 Ibid., p. 42.

31 JA Serpell,“共生还是跨物种收养?狼驯化理论的批判性回顾”,《兽医学前沿》 8, 662370 (2021),第 3 页,doi:10.3389/fvets.2021.662370。

31 J. A. Serpell, ‘Commensalism or Cross-Species Adoption? A Critical Review of Theories of Wolf Domestication’, Frontiers of Veterinary Science 8, 662370 (2021), p. 3, doi:10.3389/fvets.2021.662370.

32 Maria Lahtinen 等人,“过量的蛋白质使狗在严酷的冰河时代冬季得以驯化”,科学报告11, 7 (2021),第 1 页。

32 Maria Lahtinen et al., ‘Excess protein enabled dog domestication during severe Ice Age winters’, Scientific Reports 11, 7 (2021), p. 1.

33同上,第 3 页。

33 Ibid., p. 3.

34拉赫蒂宁团队还指出,早期狗的消化系统尚未适应人类的饮食;因此,它们更有可能以瘦肉为食。同上,第3、4页。

34 Lahtinen’s team also points out that the digestive systems of early dogs were not yet adopted to a human diet; thus it’s more likely that they were fed lean meat. Ibid., p. 3, 4.

35 Lorenz,《人遇见狗》,第 9 页。

35 Lorenz, Man Meets Dog, p. 9.

36 Bradshaw,《狗的感觉》,第 4 页。

36 Bradshaw, Dog Sense, p. 4.

37同上,第 6 页。

37 Ibid., p. 6.

38同上,第 16、81 页。

38 Ibid., pp. 16, 81.

39同上,第 128 页。

39 Ibid., p. 128.

40同上,第 51-2 页。232

40 Ibid., pp. 51–2. 232

41支持垃圾场理论的布拉德肖指出,即使是人工饲养的狼也很难与人建立联系。

41 Bradshaw, who favours the rubbish-dump theory, points out that it’s hard to get even hand-raised wolves to bond with people.

42塞缪尔·赫恩,《从哈德逊湾的威尔士亲王堡到北大洋的旅程》(多伦多:尚普兰学会,1911 年),第 803 页。

42 Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wale’s Fort in Hudson’s Bay to the Northern Ocean (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1911), p. 803.

43本森·金斯伯格 (Benson Ginsburg) 引用自布兰迪·R·福格 (Brandy R. Fogg) 等人著,《美洲原住民与狼的关系 1:狼作为教师和向导》,《民族生物学杂志》 35,2 (2015),第 278 页,doi:10.2993/etbi-35-02-262-285.1。

43 Benson Ginsburg quoted in Brandy R. Fogg et al., ‘Relationships Between Indigenous American Peoples and Wolves, 1: Wolves as Teachers and Guides’, Journal of Ethnobiology 35, 2 (2015), p. 278, doi:10.2993/etbi-35-02-262-285.1.

44 Serpell,“共生还是跨物种收养?”,第 7 页。

44 Serpell, ‘Commensalism or Cross-Species Adoption?’, p. 7.

45 Kotrschal,《狼如何变成狗》,第 7 页。

45 Kotrschal, ‘How Wolves Turned into Dogs’, p. 7.

46 Fogg 等人,《美洲原住民与狼的关系》,第 279 页。

46 Fogg et al., ‘Relationships Between Indigenous American Peoples and Wolves’, p. 279.

47同上,第272页。塞缪尔·赫恩写道:“我从未见过北方印第安人伤害过狼:相反,他们总是小心翼翼地把狼放回狼窝;我有时还看到他们用朱砂或红赭石涂抹幼狼的脸。” 数千年来,世界各地的土著居民一直使用红赭石进行仪式和礼仪的身体装饰。用红赭石标记狼脸,表明他们与这些动物的联系远比仅仅想和可爱的小狗玩耍更深厚。赫恩,《从哈德逊湾的威尔士亲王堡到北冰洋的旅程》,第803页。

47 Ibid., p. 272. Samuel Hearne writes: ‘I never knew a Northern Indian (to) hurt one of them: on the contrary, they always put them carefully into the den again; and I have sometimes seen them paint the faces of the young Wolves with vermillion, or red ochre.’ Red ochre has been used for ceremonial and ritual body adornment by indigenous people in many parts of the world for thousands upon thousands of years. Using it to mark wolf faces suggests a connection to these animals that runs deeper than just wanting to play with cute puppies. Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wale’s Fort in Hudson’s Bay to the Northern Ocean, p. 803.

八公是日本最著名的狗狗。从1924年还是一只小狗的时候起,它每天早上都会跟着主人上野英三郎教授步行到涩谷火车站。傍晚,八公会独自回到车站迎接教授。有一天,它的主人没有回来。教授在一次讲座中突发脑溢血去世。那天晚上,八公独自回家了。之后的九年多里,它每天晚上都会回到车站,直到它自己去世。八公的行为被视为忠诚和爱的表现,感动了日本人民。它后来在全国闻名,人们在涩谷车站前,也就是现在的八公出口附近,竖立了它的雕像。148

Hachiko is the most famous dog in Japan. From the time he was a puppy in 1924 he walked with his owner, Professor Hidesaburō Ueno, to Shibuya train station every morning. In the evening Hachiko returned to the station on his own to meet the professor. One day his owner didn’t come back. The professor had died of a brain haemorrhage during a lecture. Hachiko went home alone that night, but returned to the station every evening for more than nine years, until he died himself. Taken as a display of loyalty and love, Hachiko’s actions touched the hearts of the Japanese people. He became famous nationwide, and a statue of the dog was erected in front of Shibuya station near what is now called the Hachiko exit. 148

图8.1:涩汤区的八公巴士。

Fig. 8.1: Shibuyu ward’s Hachiko bus.

图 8.2:心爱的狗狗八公的坟墓。

Fig. 8.2: Grave of the beloved dog Hachiko.

八公真的期待主人归来,还是只是习惯使然?我们无法确定,但它在生前就广受欢迎,这得益于当时的149帝国主义政府,他们把八公视为忠诚不渝的典范。1934年,八公的故事被写入小学教科书,成为日本帝国所有儿童的必读书目。1

Did Hachiko really expect his master’s return or was he simply following a habit? We can’t know for sure, but his huge popularity, which began while he was still alive, was encouraged 149by an imperialist government, which used the dog as a model of unwavering loyalty. When the story of Hachiko appeared in a primary-school textbook in 1934 it became required reading for children across the Japanese empire.1

时至今日,八公依然深受人们爱戴。它的骨灰被安葬在青山公墓上野教授墓地的一角,墓前立着一座微型石龛,龛内供奉着一只秋田犬的小型模型,供奉者以此为荣。人们至今仍会向八公献上鲜花和小玩具。一辆服务于涩谷站附近社区的小型巴士——八公巴士,车上装饰着可爱的八公卡通形象。

Hachiko is a beloved icon even today. His ashes were interred in a corner of Professor Ueno’s grave in Aoyama cemetery and are marked by a miniature stone shrine, with a small model of an Akita dog standing as the object of veneration. People still leave offerings of flowers and small toys to Hachiko. The Hachiko bus, a minibus that services neighbourhoods near Shibuya station, is festooned with cute cartoon versions of the dog.

在上一章中,我们看到狗和其他动物在被驯化后变得更加可爱。我认为忠犬八公之所以能继续激励人们,是因为他体现了“kenage”(努力克服障碍)的特质。“kenage”是一个日语词,常用于描述尽力克服障碍的小动物。回顾“kawaii”(可爱)的历史,我们就能明白“kawaii”是如何与“可爱”相联系的。正如“cute”(可爱)源于“acute”(敏锐),“kawaii”最初的含义也有所不同——而这个词的演变也揭示了日语“kawaii”和美式“cute”(可爱)之间的区别。

In the last chapter we saw that dogs and other animals became cuter as they were domesticated. I think Hachiko continues to inspire people because he embodies kenage, a Japanese word often used to describe something small that is doing its best to overcome an obstacle. We can see how this applies to cuteness when we look at the history of kawaii. Just as ‘cute’ came from ‘acute’, so kawaii originally meant something different – and the evolution of the word gives a clue to the difference between Japanese kawaii and American cute.

卡哇伊的词源

The etymology of kawaii

“可爱”( Kawaii)一词源于古语“kawahayushi” ,由“脸”( kao)和“脸红或眼花”(hayushi )组成。直译过来,它的意思是脸因兴奋或尴尬而变红。2这一原意在现代词语“可爱”(kawaii )中仍然具有共鸣。漫画和动画中的人物在看到“可爱”的事物时通常会脸红,而且有经验证据支持这种视觉惯例。最近在日本和意大利进行的一项跨文化研究发现,人们在看到可爱图片时,面部温度通常会升高。3 150

The word kawaii derives from the archaic term kawahayushi, a compound of ‘face’ (kao) and ‘flushed or dazzled’ (hayushi). Directly translated, it means that one’s face has turned red from excitement or embarrassment.2 This original meaning still has resonance in the modern term kawaii. Characters in manga and anime commonly blush when they see something kawaii, and there is empirical evidence to support this visual convention. A recent cross-cultural study in Japan and Italy found that people who are shown cute images often experience a rise in facial temperature.3 150

在中世纪,“ kawahayushi ”一词被简化为更短的形式,含义也从“尴尬”转变为“可怜的”或“可悲的”。“kawayui”一词被用来表示对社会弱势群体的同情,而这正是我找到它与忠犬八公的联系的地方。虽然现在日语中已经有了另一个表示“可怜的”的词(kawaisō),但现代的“kawaii”一词仍然用来形容需要关爱和关注的小事,比如一只孤独的小狗竭尽全力想要与它的主人重聚。我想这就是忠犬八公的故事至今仍能引起人们共鸣的原因。4

In the medieval period the word kawahayushi took on a shorter form and the meaning shifted from ‘embarrassed’ to ‘pitiable’ or ‘piteous’. The word kawayui was used to signify sympathy towards weaker members of society, and this is where I find a link to Hachiko. Though there is now another word in Japanese for pitiable (kawaisō), the modern word kawaii is still used for little things that need care and attention, like a small, lonely dog doing its best to be reunited with his human companion. I think that’s the reason why the story of Hachiko still speaks to people today.4

学者四方田犬彦 (Inuhiko Yomota) 将“kawaii ”一词的首次出现追溯到1603 年,当时“ cauaij ”一词出现在长崎耶稣会编纂的日葡词典中。5我们已经看到,随着那个时代的发展,可爱在艺术中越来越普遍,但这个词却很少出现在印刷品中。

The scholar Inuhiko Yomota traces the first appearance of the word kawaii to 1603, when the word ‘cauaij’ appeared in a Japanese–Portuguese dictionary compiled by the Society of Jesuits in Nagasaki.5 We’ve seen that cuteness was increasingly common in the arts as that era progressed, yet the word seldom appeared in print.

既然“可爱”的感觉似乎源于人类的生理基础,那么英语和日语中“可爱”一词的含义相同也就不足为奇了。当你看到某样东西惊呼“可爱!”时,你的感受和别人说“卡哇伊! ”是一样的。然而,英语单词“卡哇伊”的细微差别在于——因为它源于“acute”(敏锐),它可以表达一种讽刺的超然,或一种怀疑自己被操纵的感觉。“卡哇伊”则更直接,更不加掩饰;它只关乎感觉。6也许这就是它渗透到当代日本文化的原因之一。

Since the feeling of cuteness seems to have a basis in human biology, it’s not surprising that the English and Japanese terms can work in the same way. When you see something and exclaim ‘Cute!’, you’re feeling the same thing that makes someone else, say, ‘Kawaii!’ However, the English word has a different nuance – because it derives from ‘acute’, it can express an ironic detachment or a suspicion that one is being manipulated. Kawaii is more immediate and less filtered; it is only about the feeling.6 Perhaps this is one reason why it came to permeate contemporary Japanese culture.

在日本,可爱随处可见,而且并非年轻人的专属。有可爱人物的银行卡并非儿童专属,笑脸拟人安全套也并非儿童专属。飞机上装饰着皮卡丘的卡通形象,子弹列车内外都装饰着Hello Kitty的图案。原宿警察局外,矗立着四英尺高的、面带微笑的可爱警察模特。日本军队在征兵活动中使用动漫人物,红十字会则将他们作为献血宣传的素材。151

Cuteness is everywhere in Japan, and it’s not just for the young.7 Bank cards sporting cute characters are not meant for children; neither are smiling anthropomorphic condoms. There are aeroplanes adorned with Pikachu cartoons, and bullet trains decorated inside and out with Hello Kitty motifs. Smiling four-foot-tall mannequins depicting cutified police officers stand outside the Harajuku police station. Japan’s army uses anime characters in its recruiting drives, and the Red Cross puts them on their appeals for blood donation. 151

图 8.3:在 2018 年大阪 Yuru Kyara 大奖赛上,一个小女孩遇到了Yuru Kyara吉祥物角色。

Fig. 8.3: A small girl meets a yuru kyara mascot character at the 2018 Yuru Kyara Grand Prix in Osaka.

在日本,有超过一千个吉祥物来宣传地方特色,而且每个都很可爱。在城市街道上,道路施工护栏上装饰着可爱的青蛙、Hello Kitty 或身着和服的公主。甚至神社和寺庙也出售可爱的护身符,以求避灾避祸。8在写这本书的时候注意到,我所在的东京街区的井盖已经被换成了带有附近一部热门动漫可爱图案的井盖。9 152

Throughout Japan more than a thousand mascots promote local regions, and every single one of them is cute. On city streets, road-construction barriers feature adorable frogs, Hello Kitty or kimono-clad princesses. Even shrines and temples sell cute charms as protection from misfortune.8 While I was writing this book I noticed that the manhole covers in my neighbourhood of Tokyo had been replaced with ones sporting cute designs from a popular anime that took place nearby.9 152

可爱元素的爆发式增长是如何发生的?我们已经看到,“可爱”已经成为日本文学和艺术的主题,已有一千多年的历史,但直到20世纪初,“卡哇伊”才真正开始蓬勃发展。这与美国“可爱”元素的兴起大致吻合,其背后的一些原因也相似——新的印刷技术、对童年的重视以及大众消费文化的发展。但其他因素则有所不同。

How did this explosion of cuteness happen? We’ve seen that the adorable has been a theme in Japanese literature and art for more than a thousand years, but it wasn’t until the early twentieth century that kawaii really began to flourish. This roughly corresponded with the rise of cuteness in the US, and some of the reasons behind it are similar – new printing technologies, an emphasis on childhood and the development of mass consumer culture. But other things are different.

在十九世纪末二十世纪初的美国,可爱元素之所以盛行,是因为它面向所有人,无论是迪士尼娃娃、丘比娃娃、报纸漫画还是New Kid的广告。虽然日本也有一些类似的可爱元素,但“卡哇伊”与当时正在发展的女孩文化(少女文化)紧密相连。一代又一代的女学生在“卡哇伊”的陪伴下成长,它是她们世界的一部分,并成为一种视觉和情感的语言,她们比任何人都更擅长表达。

In late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century America, cuteness rose to prominence because it was aimed at everybody, whether in Disney or Kewpie dolls, newspaper comics or New Kid advertising. While Japan had some of this kind of cuteness as well, kawaii was more tightly intertwined with a developing girls’ culture (shōjo bunka). Generations of schoolgirls grew up with kawaii as part of their world, and it became a visual and emotional language that they spoke better than anyone else.

然而,到了20世纪后期,这种情况开始发生变化。年轻男性开始对“可爱”产生兴趣,并在其影响下创造了一种新的、更柔和的男性形象。对男孩和男人来说,从女孩文化中借鉴“可爱”元素,是一种逃避僵化的性别期望和缓慢的社会变革的策略。然而,在这股“可爱”漩涡的中心,依然是标志性的校园女生形象。

In the late twentieth century, however, this began to change. Young men became interested in kawaii and created a new, softer image of masculinity under its influence. For boys and men, borrowing kawaii from girls’ culture functioned as an exit strategy from rigid gender expectations and a glacial rate of social change. At the centre of this vortex of cuteness, however, remains the iconic figure of the schoolgirl.

可爱地震

Cutequake

20世纪60年代,世界各地都经历了文化和社会的巨变。学生运动者纷纷抗议,嬉皮士纷纷退学,披头士乐队和滚石乐队统治着音乐界。迷你裙风靡一时,年轻女性开始穿着色彩大胆的服装。身材苗条、留着短短的短发、眼神炯炯的少女模特崔姬,正是这种青春造型的典范,迅速风靡一时。《Vogue》153杂志主编戴安娜·弗里兰在伦敦观察了这场文化运动,并将其称为“青年震荡”。

The 1960s saw cultural and social upheavals all around the world. Student activists were protesting, hippies were dropping out and The Beatles and The Rolling Stones ruled the music scenes. The miniskirt had arrived, and young women began dressing in bold colours. Twiggy, the famously slender teenage model with short-cropped hair and huge eyes, epitomised a youthful look that became enormously popular. Observing 153this cultural movement in London, Vogue editor Diana Vreeland dubbed it the ‘Youthquake’.

在美国,这场“青年震荡”的动力源于学生抗议活动有助于结束越南战争的信念。随着婴儿潮一代获得社会和政治权力,20世纪60年代的反主流文化演变为“我一代”。然而,在日本,学生抗议活动的重点是终止与美国的国家安全条约,当这一目标失败后,左翼派系变得越来越极端。当抗议活动难以产生影响时,失望的学生便背弃了成人世界。时尚学者托比·斯莱德将日本版的“青年震荡”称为“可爱震荡”,而非“青年震荡” 。10

In the US this Youthquake was fuelled by the conviction that student protests had helped to end the Vietnam War. The 1960s counter-culture morphed into the ‘Me generation’ as baby-boomers gained social and political power. In Japan, however, student protests had focused on ending the nation’s security treaty with US and, when this failed, left-wing factions became increasingly extreme. When the protests struggled to make an impact, disillusioned students turned their backs on the adult world. Rather than a Youthquake, fashion scholar Toby Slade dubs Japan’s version the ‘Cutequake’.10

随着嬉皮士风格演变为20世纪70年代的华丽时尚,“青年震荡”运动依然聚焦于成人的性感魅力。另一方面,在日本,对“卡哇伊”美学的追求成为一种自我表达的形式,象征着不仅拒绝成人价值观,也拒绝成熟。与学生抗议运动不同,卡哇伊文化并非公开的反叛行为。相反,年轻人为了反抗长辈们所珍视的成人权威,采取了一种幼稚或天真的风格。“青年震荡”运动要求认真对待年轻人,而日本的“可爱震荡”运动则用“卡哇伊”彻底拒绝成熟。11

As the hippie style morphed into the glam fashion of the 1970s, the Youthquake remained focused on adult sex appeal. In Japan, on the other hand, the pursuit of the kawaii aesthetic became a form of self-expression that symbolised the rejection not only of adult values, but also of maturity. Unlike the student protest movement, kawaii culture was not an act of open rebellion. Rather, young adults adopted a childish or innocent style in order to reject the adult authority valued by their elders. While the Youthquake demanded that young people be taken seriously, the Japanese Cutequake used kawaii to reject maturity entirely.11

可爱地震对日本时尚产生了显著的影响。20世纪70年代,Milk和Shirley Temple等专注于打造褶边、层次丰富的可爱女装的品牌,引领了洛丽塔时尚亚文化的兴起,女孩们(如今也包括一些男孩)纷纷穿上夸张的可爱服装。由于可爱元素早已成为女孩文化的重要组成部分,因此它在女装时尚中的出现也就不足为奇了。然而,男装也开始转向更柔和、更中性的风格,强调纤细而非肌肉感。

The Cutequake had a noticeable impact on Japanese fashion. In the 1970s brands specialising in frilly, layered kawaii women’s clothes, such as Milk and Shirley Temple, helped kick off the Lolita fashion subculture in which girls (and nowadays some boys) dress in over-the-top kawaii outfits. Since kawaii was already a large part of girls’ culture, its presence in women’s fashion is unsurprising. Yet men’s fashion also began to embrace a softer, more androgynous look, emphasising slenderness rather than muscularity.

这种外貌并非日本独有,但日本长期以来对男子气概有两种理解:艺术表达154与武士精神并存。在《枕草子》问世后不久创作的平安时代巨著《源氏物语》中,“光辉王子”源氏并非武士,而是一位敏感而老练的诗人。平安时代赋予文学和美学技巧的特殊地位,为日本文化中延续至今的传统男子气概提供了一种新的定义。12

This look is not unique to Japan, but the country has long had two conceptions of masculinity: artistic expression was 154admired alongside the warrior ethos of the samurai. In The Tale of Genji, a Heian-era masterpiece written not long after The Pillow Book, the ‘shining prince’ Genji is not a warrior but a sensitive and sophisticated poet. The special status given to literary and aesthetic skills in the Heian era provided an alternative to traditional masculinity that has persisted in Japanese culture to this day.12

从20世纪70年代开始,日本女性的独立性日益增强,这也影响了男性的着装风格和形象。男性试图表现得更加敏感,因为这正是许多女性所期望的。例如,他们会模仿许多男子组合的时尚风格,娃娃脸的造型和鲜艳可爱的服装。即使这些流行歌星长大后,他们仍然常常被认为是“可爱”的,为成年男性提供了效仿的榜样。前男子组合成员木村拓哉经常出现在媒体上,照顾孩子、烹饪美食、分享自己的感受。1996年,口红制造商佳丽宝的一则热门广告中,他留着长发,化着浓妆,正在涂口红;在该系列的另一则广告中,一位女性正在为他涂口红。13

From the 1970s, the increasing independence of women in Japan also had an impact on men’s styling and presentation. Men tried to appear more sensitive, since that was what many women preferred. For example, they would imitate the fashion of the many boy bands, with their baby-faced looks and bright, cute costumes. When these pop stars grow up they are often still considered kawaii, providing a model for adult men to imitate. Former boy band member Takuya Kimura often appears in the media caring for his children, cooking and sharing his feelings. In 1996 a popular advertisement for the lipstick-maker Kanebo featured him with long hair and make-up, applying lipstick; in another ad in the series, a woman paints his mouth with lipstick.13

虽然轻松有趣,但男性这种“可爱”的自我表达也被视为勇敢,因为它背离了传统的社会规范。14因此“可爱”男性气质的发展可以被视为日本社会变革的映射,即女性对社会潮流的影响力逐渐增强。15

Though light-hearted and fun, this kind of kawaii self-expression in men was also seen as brave, because of its departure from traditional social norms.14 In this way, the development of kawaii masculinity could be seen as mirroring changes in Japanese society that gave women more influence on social trends.15

年轻女性成为生活方式的领导者

Young women emerge as lifestyle leaders

20世纪60年代,日本女性的受教育机会有所增加,但她们仍然无法获得全职永久性工作,社会普遍将她们定义为妻子和母亲。16职场女性几乎被禁止进入企业工作,毕业后需要工作数年才能找到丈夫——理想情况下,丈夫最好是同155一家公司的员工。尽管这些社会期望僵化且带有性别歧视,但它们赋予了女性短暂而至关重要的自由,这是男性所不具备的。在职场女性拥有更多休闲时间,因为她们可以在下午5点下班,而不必加班。由于她们通常住在家里,拥有可观的可支配收入,并且愿意将其用于自己喜欢的事情。20世纪70年代,年轻的职场女性成为“萌文化”的主要生产者和消费者,她们的消费习惯很快就引起了企业和媒体的关注。17

In the 1960s educational opportunities for Japanese women increased, but they were still constrained from full-time permanent employment and largely defined by society as wives and mothers.16 Virtually barred from having corporate careers, working women were expected to work for several years after graduating before finding a husband – ideally one employed by 155the same company. Though rigid and sexist, these social expectations allowed women a brief but crucial degree of freedom that men didn’t have. In their years of employment, women had more leisure time because they could leave the office at five o’clock without having to work hours of overtime. Since they usually lived at home, they had significant disposable income and were willing to spend it on things they enjoyed. In the 1970s young working women became both the chief producers and consumers of cute culture, and their spending habits were soon noticed by corporations and the media alike.17

当媒体开始将年轻女性视为消费者之外的潮流引领者时,“卡哇伊”的曝光度也随之提升,并开始稳步扩张。二十出头的女性成为消费主力,这一趋势持续了数十年。18广告抓住年轻女性作为模范消费者,试图将她们自由自在、挥霍无度的生活方式推广到日本其他地区。她们不仅出现在国内旅游宣传活动,还出现在Parco等百货公司的广告中。Parco的广告大受欢迎,甚至将东京涩谷区从一个无聊的通勤枢纽变成了购物娱乐区。19

When the media began to regard young women as not only consumers but trendsetters, kawaii became more widely visible and began its steady expansion. Women in their early twenties emerged as the key demographic, a trend that would continue for decades.18 Advertisers seized on young women as model consumers and attempted to market their free-living, free-spending lifestyle to the rest of Japan. They were featured in domestic tourism campaigns and in the advertisements of department stores like Parco, which became so popular that it transformed the entire neighbourhood of Shibuya in Tokyo from a boring commuter hub into a shopping and entertainment zone.19

到了20世纪80年代末,年轻女性已成为时尚领袖和“消费社会的催化剂”。20在20世纪90年代的全国性经济衰退期间,她们是拥有最多金钱且渴望自由消费的消费群体。21大众媒体对少女文化的关注,使其成为社会自由的理想典范。年轻女性创造了“可爱”文化潮流,这些潮流逐渐发展壮大,最终影响了整个日本社会,甚至产生了全球性的影响。156

By the late 1980s young women had become style leaders and ‘catalysts of consumer society’.20 During the nationwide recession in the 1990s they were the consumer demographic with the most money to spend and the desire to spend it freely.21 The mass media’s focus on girls’ culture had made it into an aspirational model of social freedom. Young women created cute cultural trends that gradually built up until they influenced Japanese society as a whole and even had a global impact. 156

日本女学生与表情符号的诞生

Japanese schoolgirls and the birth of emoji

早在20世纪初竹久梦二在自己的店铺里出售可爱的文具之前,日本女孩就喜欢互相写信。20世纪70年代,精美小商品行业凭借印有Hello Kitty等可爱图案的笔记本和信纸获得了巨大成功。能够写出细密均匀线条的自动铅笔也随之面市。这些创新产品非常适合给朋友写信,而女学生们则以颠覆传统书写方式——日本传统文化的支柱——的方式做出了回应。

Japanese girls had been fond of writing letters to one another long before Yumeji Takehisa began to sell cute writing sets in his shop in the early twentieth century. In the 1970s the fancy-goods industry had huge success with notebooks and letter paper that featured cute designs, such as Hello Kitty. Mechanical pencils that produced fine, even lines also arrived on the market. These innovations were perfect for writing notes to friends, and schoolgirls responded by turning the old way of writing – a pillar of traditional Japanese culture – on its head.

所有学生都被教导要竖写日语,并以书法风格书写,强调优美和优雅。但女学生们受到新便笺的启发,开始像英语和其他欧洲语言一样,横着写,从左到右写。她们开始用自动铅笔画心、星和脸来点缀文字——这可以说是表情符号的雏形——并在上面点缀一些英文单词,比如“爱”和“朋友”,以增添格调。当被问及为什么发展出这种新风格时,答案总是“因为它很可爱。22

All students were taught to write Japanese vertically and in a calligraphic style that emphasised beauty and elegance. But schoolgirls, inspired by their new notepaper, began to write horizontally and from left to right, like English and other European languages. They started to punctuate their messages by drawing hearts, stars and faces with their mechanical pencils – little proto-emoji – and sprinkled them with English words like ‘love’ and ‘friend’ to add extra cachet. When asked why they had developed this new style, the answer was invariably, ‘Because it’s kawaii.’22

然而,新风格的最大区别在于字符本身。女孩们没有使用外来的汉字,而是使用平假名,这是日本本土的音节文字,也是一千年前清小元在《枕草子》中写下可爱事物清单的文字为了让它与时俱进并成为自己的风格,女学生们把每个角色都画得更圆润,使其“可爱化”。这种高度风格化的写作方式既难写又难读。阅读没有汉字的日语就像阅读单词之间没有空格的英语。这让老师们抓狂,有些学校甚至彻底禁止了这种可爱的写作风格。23

The biggest difference in the new style, however, was in the characters themselves. Rather than the imported Chinese characters called kanji, the girls used hiragana, the syllabic script indigenous to Japan – and the script in which Sei Shonagan had written her list of cute things in The Pillow Book a thousand years earlier. To bring it up to date and make it their own, schoolgirls ‘cutified’ every character by making it more rounded. This highly stylised method was difficult both to write and to read. Reading Japanese without kanji is like reading English without any spaces between the words. It drove teachers crazy, and some schools banned the cute writing style entirely.23

这种圆润的书写风格,穿插着小图画和英文单词,是对日本传统文化的反叛。它是一种由年轻人发明的新型“可爱”157语言,他们用它来自由表达自我,建立亲密关系。24非常成功,以至于许多男孩也开始使用它。25

This rounded style of writing, with inserted little drawings and English words, was a rebellion against traditional Japanese culture. It was a new kawaii language invented by the young, 157which they used to express themselves freely and establish intimate relationships.24 It was so successful that many boys started to use it as well.25

随着 20 世纪 80 年代的发展,这种圆形字体的流行范围远远超出了发明它的年轻人。它被应用于杂志、广告和包装,苹果 Macintosh 电脑也将其添加为一种字体。26少女漫画家对这种可爱的书写风格赞不绝口,他们更进一步,在作品边缘添加层叠的星星和花朵,以突出人物的情绪状态。27这种可爱的书写风格是“卡哇伊”如何在 20 世纪 80 年代通过跨媒体平台(从广告到文学)并渗透到消费品和服务领域,主宰流行文化的典型例子。28

As the 1980s progressed, this rounded script spread far beyond the youth who invented it. It was used by magazines, in advertising and in packaging, and Apple Macintosh added it as a font in their computers.26 The kawaii writing style was also enthusiastically embraced by shōjo manga artists, who took it further by adding cascades of stars and flowers to the margins of their works, in order to highlight their characters’ emotional state.27 This cute writing style is a prime example of how kawaii came to dominate popular culture in the 1980s by crossing media platforms – from advertising to literature – and saturating consumer goods and services.28

20世纪90年代中期,随着新电信技术的出现,手写信件逐渐失宠。首先出现的是具有短信功能的寻呼机,随后是手机——而日本的少女们则站在了这场通信革命的前沿。寻呼机最初是为值班医生和被束缚在办公室的商务人士开发的,但后来受到了日本年轻女性的热烈追捧。1996年,有1000万人使用寻呼机,其中大多数是少女。那时,这些设备上的短信功能已经包含了爱心和笑脸,这些表情符号的原型让人想起了20世纪70年代上一代女孩发展起来的“卡哇伊”写作风格。29

In the mid-1990s handwritten letters fell out of fashion as new telecommunication technologies emerged. Pagers with text-messaging capabilities appeared first, followed by mobile phones – and Japanese teenage girls were at the forefront of this communication revolution. Pagers had first been developed for on-call doctors and businessmen tethered to the office, but they were enthusiastically adopted by young Japanese women. In 1996 ten million people used them, the majority of whom were teenage girls. By then the messaging functions on these devices had come to include hearts and smiley faces, proto-emoji that recall the kawaii writing style developed by an earlier generation of girls in the 1970s.29

Emoji 一词源于日语中“图片”和“字母”的意思。Emoji 于 20 世纪 90 年代末出现在手机上,并迅速成为不可或缺的沟通工具,年轻女性成为最早、最热衷的使用者。但当时存在一个问题:每家手机公司都有自己的表情符号库,彼此之间互不兼容。因此,将表情符号发送到不同的手机上,结果会变成一串随机的字符。丰富的158表情符号很快成为手机的一个关键卖点,男朋友和丈夫如果想看懂女性伴侣的短信,就必须选择相同的运营商。任何不受女性欢迎的新手机型号很快就会从市场上消失。30

Emoji is a term derived from the Japanese words for ‘picture’ and ‘letter’. Emoji arrived on mobile phones in the late 1990s and quickly became an indispensable communication tool, with young women becoming the earliest and most enthusiastic adopters. But there was a hitch: at that time, each mobile-phone company had its own emoji palette that was incompatible with the others. As a result, sending emoji to a different mobile phone resulted in a string of random characters. A wide range 158of emoji soon became a crucial selling point for a mobile, and boyfriends and husbands had to choose the same carrier as their female partners if they wanted to understand their text messages. Any new phone model that wasn’t popular with women soon vanished from the market.30

2007年,iPhone上市后,全球热销,唯独在日本惨败。原因何在?因为当时无法在短信中发送表情符号。苹果公司意识到自己的错误后,与谷歌合作,为这些小表情符号制定了国际标准,并于2011年正式推出。31由此,如今世界上许多人都乐于通过可爱的小图像来表达自己的感受——这场交流方式的革命,最初源于日本女学生希望通过“卡哇伊”这种媒介表达感受的愿望。

The iPhone was a worldwide hit when it went on sale in 2007, apart from in Japan, where it failed miserably. The reason? There was no way of sending emoji in text messages. When Apple realised their mistake, they teamed up with Google to create an international standard for the little pictograms, which was introduced in 2011.31 As a result, much of the world is now happily expressing their feelings through tiny, cute images – a revolution in communication that originally developed out of the desire of Japanese schoolgirls to share their feelings through the medium of kawaii.

表情符号并非日本女学生发明,但如果没有她们的影响,表情符号也不会存在。如今,年轻女性不仅引领着时尚潮流和风格,还在科技领域引领着潮流。然而,日本少女们也对另一种在全球青年文化中大受欢迎的媒介——漫画——的“可爱化”产生了深远的影响。漫画是日本全球文化影响力的核心支柱。

Japanese schoolgirls didn’t invent emoji, but they wouldn’t exist if it weren’t for their influence. Young women now lead the way not only in fashion trends and style, but in technology. However, Japanese teenage girls have also been influential in the ‘cutification’ of another medium that has attained immense popularity in global youth culture: manga, a central pillar of Japan’s global cultural influence.

漫画:眼睛有它

Manga: the eyes have it

京都国际漫画博物馆坐落在一所前小学内。馆内唯一的声音,就是参观者在翻阅馆藏的30万册漫画时,旧木地板发出的嘎吱声。虽然这只占已出版书籍总数的一小部分,但它仍然是世界上最大的收藏。

The Kyoto International Manga Museum is located in a former elementary school. The only sound is the creaking of the old wooden floors as visitors browse the 300,000 volumes in their collection. While this is a small fraction of the total number of published titles, it is still the largest collection in the world.

在主展厅,高高的书架沿着墙壁排列,所有漫画都按时间顺序排列。第一个书架专门展示20世纪初现代漫画的诞生。它采用了可追溯到《百兽图》的日本绘画风格,但也受到了英国讽刺漫画和美国可爱漫画中西方风格的影响。32159

In the main gallery, tall bookshelves line the walls, with all the manga organised chronologically. The first shelf is dedicated to the early twentieth century, when modern manga first appeared. It used Japanese drawing styles that dated back to the 159Scroll of Frolicking Animals, but was also influenced by Western styles found in British satirical cartoons and cute American comic strips.32

第二次世界大战后,曾经深受女孩喜爱的插图杂志几乎完全被漫画所取代。33漫画博物馆里,随着越来越多的漫画出现,每个年代的漫画书架也越来越多。从大力水手和超人到米老鼠和唐老鸭,各种美国动画片翻译英文20世纪50年代流行起来,但战后漫画热潮早在那时就已经拉开帷幕,以手冢治虫的作品为代表。34

After the Second World War the illustrated magazines that had been so popular with girls were almost entirely replaced by manga.33 In the Manga Museum the number of shelves dedicated to each decade grows as more and more manga appear. Various American cartoons, from Popeye and Superman to Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck, were translated and became popular in the 1950s, but the post-war manga boom had started by then, with the work of Osamu Tezuka.34

手冢治虫是漫画成为一种严肃艺术形式并受到成年人青睐的主要原因。这位“漫画之神”开创了诸如特写镜头和视角变换等电影化手法,并创造了丰满的角色和丰富的故事情节。35之前,我们看到他让漫画比迪士尼的“卡哇伊”更具幼稚感,或者说更年轻。他这样做的一个方法是放大人物的眼睛。更大的白色眼睛让人物从纸面上跃然纸上;我们天生就倾向于关注眼睛传递的信号,而正是他们白色的巩膜吸引了我们的注意力。

Tezuka was the main reason that manga became taken seriously as an art form and was often read by adults. The ‘God of Manga’ pioneered cinematic techniques, such as close-ups and changing points of view, and also created fully realised characters and dense storylines.35 Earlier, we saw that he made kawaii even more neotenous, or youthful, than Disney. One way he did this was to enlarge the eyes of his characters. Larger white eyes made his characters pop from the page; we are biologically disposed to pay attention to what eyes are signalling, and it’s their white sclera that captures our attention.

然而,手冢治虫的眼睛瞳孔是扁平的黑色,与如今漫画和动画人物夸张的眼睛标准惯例截然不同。这种变化始于 1957 年开始出版作品的漫画家高桥真琴,他开始为角色的眼睛添加闪光和星星。这种趋势已经出现在中原淳一的插图中,在中原淳一的插图中,女孩们直视着观众,眼睛闪闪发光。通过调整这些高光的数量、形状和排列,高桥能够传达角色的情感,并在不使用对话的情况下推动故事发展。36他那充满星星眼的风格很快被其他漫画家模仿;到了 20 世纪70年代,一些角色的眼睛非常大,可以占据半张脸。37如今,少女160漫画的主角往往拥有最大的眼睛;她的情绪状态是推动故事发展的关键,而眼睛是心灵的镜子。38

However, the pupils of Tezuka’s eyes were flat and black, very different from the exaggerated eyes that are a standard convention for manga and anime characters today. The change began when the manga artist Macoto Takahashi, who started publishing in 1957, began to add sparkles and stars to his characters’ eyes. This trend had already appeared in Junichi Nakahara’s illustrations, in which girls gazed directly at the viewer, their eyes shining. By adjusting the number, shape and arrangement of these highlights, Takahashi was able to convey characters’ emotions and advance the story without the use of dialogue.36 His starry-eyed style was quickly imitated by other manga artists; by the 1970s some characters’ eyes were so large they could occupy half their face.37 Today the main character 160in a shōjo manga tends to have the biggest eyes; her emotional state is key to advancing the story, and eyes are the mirror of the soul.38

我在网上看到过高桥的一些作品,也看到过他的作品被复制成书,还有一些受他这种充满幻想的绘画技法影响的艺术家的作品。我能看出这些插画的精湛技艺,但不知为何,我从未真正与这些角色产生共鸣。但在漫画博物馆里,看到这些作品摆放在墙上,我拿来一卷又一卷的少女漫画,随意翻阅着对白。我对最终的效果感到震惊。我习惯了那些高清复制品的晶莹剔透,每一颗星星和闪光都精准地呈现出来。但现在,我看到的这些角色,就像艺术家们想要呈现的那样,只是印在廉价印刷品里的灰阶图像。他们巧妙地利用了媒介的局限性来增强效果。这些人物的眼神如此深邃,仿佛立体感十足;即使不看对白,我也能感受到她们的感受。这个女孩被朋友背叛了;那个女孩决心反抗;第三个女孩意识到自己坠入了爱河。这真是太不可思议了。

I’d seen some of Takahashi’s artwork online and reproduced in books, along with other examples from artists who were influenced by his starry-eyed technique. I could see the technical expertise in these illustrations, but for some reason I’d never really felt a connection to the characters. But in the manga museum, with these works lining the walls, I took down volume after volume of girls’ manga and looked at random pages with my thumb over the dialogue. I was astonished at the results. I was used to the crystal clarity of the high-quality reproductions that I’d seen, where each star and sparkle was precisely rendered. But now I was seeing these characters as the artists had intended, as greyscale images in cheaply printed volumes. Somehow they had used the limitations of the medium to enhance the effect. There was so much depth that the girls’ eyes seemed three-dimensional; I could tell what they were feeling even without reading the dialogue. This girl had been betrayed by a friend; that one was resolved to fight; a third was realising she was in love. It was phenomenal.

这一时期的少年漫画中,人物形象可爱,但保留了手冢治虫标志性的大而扁平的黑眼睛,这似乎更适合以动作为主的运动或冒险故事。少女漫画则深入刻画人类情感的细微之处,但几乎所有少女漫画的创作者都是男性。

Boys’ manga from this time included cute characters, but kept Tezuka’s large, flat black eyes, which seemed to fit the action-focused tales of sports or adventures. While girls’ manga went deep into the minutiae of human emotions, almost all the artists who drew it were men.

到了20世纪60年代,漫画的火爆人气让出版商急需新的艺术家。他们举办比赛,向读者征集作品——无论男孩还是女孩。获胜者不仅获得奖金,还有机会看到自己的作品出版。这样的比赛让女性得以进入此前由男性主导的领域。此外,通过在读者群中寻找新艺术家,并通常直接从161高中毕业生聘用他们,出版商在创作者和消费者之间建立了更紧密的联系。与男性前辈不同,成为漫画家的女性都是热爱阅读漫画的女孩。她们知道女孩们想要什么。39

By the 1960s manga’s explosion in popularity had left publishers in dire need of new artists. They responded by holding competitions that solicited contributions from readers – girls as well as boys. The winners not only received prize money, but also won the chance to see their work published. Such competitions enabled women to enter a field that had previously been dominated by men. In addition, by finding new artists among their readership and often hiring them straight out of 161high school, publishers established an even closer connection between creators and consumers. Unlike their male predecessors, the women who became manga artists had been girls who loved reading manga. They knew what girls wanted.39

1972年,池田理代子推出了她的十一卷漫画系列《凡尔赛玫瑰》。这部约1700页的漫画通过玛丽·安托瓦内特和一位名叫奥斯卡的英俊卫队指挥官的视角,讲述了法国宫廷直至大革命的史诗故事。奥斯卡实际上是一个被当作男孩抚养长大的女孩。这部融合了历史小说和性别转换浪漫元素的作品大获成功,几乎每个日本女孩都读过。40奥斯卡被杀后,据报道,全国各地的教师都被迫停课,因为所有女孩都失声痛哭。41

In 1972 Riyoko Ikeda launched her eleven-volume manga series The Rose of Versailles. Over the course of some 1,700 pages it told the epic story of the French court until the revolution, through the eyes of Marie Antoinette and a dashing commander of the guards named Oscar, who was actually a girl who had been raised as a boy. This combination of historical fiction and gender-bending romance made for a huge hit that was read by practically every girl in Japan.40 When Oscar was killed off, it was reported that teachers across the country were forced to cancel classes because all the girls were sobbing uncontrollably.41

在《凡尔赛玫瑰》中,如同其他20世纪70年代的少女漫画一样,卡哇伊并非仅仅通过星光熠熠的眼睛来表达——它以复杂的方式融入到叙事中。池田在关键的情感时刻用鲜花环绕着她的角色,并摒弃了传统的画面布局,转而展现人物面部的大特写。当玛丽·安托瓦内特意识到自己已成为法国王储时,她以全身肖像的形式出现,沐浴在月光下,周围环绕着玫瑰。

In The Rose of Versailles, like other girls’ manga in the 1970s, kawaii was not simply expressed by starry eyes – it was added to the narrative in complex ways. Ikeda surrounded her characters with flowers at key emotional moments and dispensed with the conventional panel layout in order to show large close-ups of their faces. As Marie Antoinette realises she has become the crown princess of France, she appears in a full-body portrait bathed in rays of moonlight and surrounded by roses.

巨大的眼睛、面部和身体的特写、非线性的页面设计以及对人际关系微妙探索的强调,让那些习惯了男生漫画动作叙事和直白版式的人难以理解少女漫画。少女漫画仿佛使用了一种密码,必须破译才能进入其复杂的内心世界,包括爱情、友情和潮流时尚。42

The huge eyes, close-ups of faces and bodies, non-linear page design and emphasis on the subtle exploration of human relationships made girls’ manga difficult to comprehend for anyone used to the action-driven narrative and straightforward layout of boys’ manga. It was as if girls’ manga used a secret code that had to be deciphered in order to access its complex inner world of love, friendship and trendy fashion.42

《凡尔赛玫瑰》不仅仅是一部爱情小说。它错综复杂的故事聚焦于引发法国大革命的政治动荡,旁注则包含详细的历史信息。它成为了162史上最畅销的少女漫画之一,并被改编成电视动画、真人电影和多部音乐剧。

The Rose of Versailles was more than just a romance. Its complex story also focused on the political upheavals that led to the French Revolution, while marginal notes included detailed historical information. It became one of the best-selling girls’ 162manga of all time, and the story was adapted to a television anime series, a live-action film and several musicals.

尽管《凡尔赛玫瑰》在主流文化中取得了巨大成功,但它却鲜少受到男性评论家的关注,他们把注意力集中在自己熟悉的少年漫画上。43然而,另一位漫画巨匠萩尾尾元的作品不仅吸引了评论界的关注,也吸引了众多男性读者。20世纪70年代女性漫画家作品的跨界吸引力,是“卡哇伊”文化传播到少女文化之外的一个因素。

In spite of The Rose of Versailles’s mainstream success, it received little attention from male critics, who focused their attention on the boys’ manga with which they were familiar.43 However, the work of Moto Hagio, another giant of the manga scene, attracted not only critical attention but also many male readers. The crossover appeal of works by women manga artists in the 1970s was one factor in the spread of kawaii beyond girls’ culture.

萩尾望都的突破性成功之作是1975年的科幻小说《十一人》。这部小说讲述了十名年轻的学员在一艘退役的宇宙飞船上接受实地考核的故事。抵达后,他们发现船上有十一个人,而不是十个人——而且没有人知道这额外的人是谁,也不知道他们为什么在那里。随后,几枚炸弹神秘爆炸,宇宙飞船开始慢慢升温。为了生存,学员们必须齐心协力,同时意识到其中潜伏着一名破坏分子。

Hagio’s breakout success was They Were Eleven, a 1975 science-fiction tale about ten young cadets undergoing a field examination aboard a decommissioned spaceship. Upon arriving, they find there are eleven of them, not ten – and nobody knows who the extra person is or why they are there. Then a few bombs go off mysteriously and the spaceship slowly begins to heat up. To survive, the cadets must work together with the knowledge that a saboteur is hiding among them.

萩尾望都的科幻漫画是第一位创作出成人和青少年都能欣赏的漫画家。《十一人》的故事精彩绝伦,真希望自己青少年时期有机会读到它。然而,一开始我确实觉得少女漫画的创作手法难以理解。当学员们第一次进入宇宙飞船,摘下头盔时,读者惊讶地发现,在他原本以为全是男性的队伍里,竟然出现了一个名叫弗洛尔的女性。弗洛尔身材纤细,留着金色的长卷发,但随着故事的推进,我们发现他其实是双性人,但自我认同为男性。萩尾望都创作出双性人角色,我并不感到惊讶——她受到了厄休拉·勒古恩等美国科幻作家的影响——但最初我从她的画作中推断,队伍中有一半是女性。萩尾望都习惯把男性角色画成雌雄同体,留着长发,五官也显得女性化。

Hagio was the first manga artist to create science fiction that could be enjoyed by adults as well as teenagers. They Were Eleven is a cracking story, and I wish I’d had the chance to read it when I was an adolescent. However, I did find the conventions of girls’ manga difficult to decipher at first. When the cadets first enter the spacecraft and take off their helmets, one is surprised to notice a woman, Frol, in what he’d thought was an all-male group. Frol has a slender frame and long, blonde curly hair, but over the course of the story we discover that he is intersex, but identifies as male. I wasn’t surprised that Hagio had included intersex characters – she was influenced by American science-fiction writers like Ursula K. Le Guin – but initially I had assumed from her drawings that half of the group were women. Hagio habitually draws male characters as androgynous, with long hair and features that I thought were feminine.

这种性别流动性是少女漫画的典型特征,44这也是163为什么那些对日本僵化的男子气概标准及其对异性恋的预设感到疏离的年轻男性越来越被少女漫画所吸引的原因之一。45出于这些原因,少女漫画独特的可爱风格越来越受到成年女性和男性的青睐。46

This gender fluidity is typical of girls’ manga,44 and it’s one 163reason why young men who felt alienated from Japan’s rigid standards of masculinity and its presumption of heterosexuality increasingly found themselves drawn to it.45 For these reasons, the distinctive cute style of girls’ manga was increasingly read by adult women and men alike.46

“卡哇伊”不仅是一种视觉风格,也是一种促进人际关系的沟通工具。男孩漫画通常推崇蛮力,而女孩漫画则注重适应性、灵活性和合作精神。47最新的趋势是将两者的特质融合在一起。例如,竹内直子的《美少女战士》是有史以来最成功的动画系列。48剧中可爱的女孩角色(美少女)被称为“魔法少女”。她们白天是学生,但当她们变身为另一个自我时,便会成为强大的战士。

As well as being a visual style, kawaii is a communicative tool that facilitates relationships. While boys’ manga often prized brute strength, girls’ manga valued adaptability, flexibility and cooperation.47 The latest trend is to blend aspects of both. An example is Naoko Takeuchi’s Sailor Moon, the most successful anime series of all time.48 Its cute girl characters (bishōjo) are ‘magical girls’. Schoolgirls by day, they become powerful fighters when they transform into their alter egos.

《美少女战士》将动作与纯真相结合,展现了一种“女性化的战斗方式”。49也讲述了同性恋伴侣和跨性别战士的故事,这种性/性别的流动性引起了世界各地粉丝的共鸣。正如萩尾望都所说:“少女的概念如今不仅存在于日本,也存在于世界各地。女孩的敏感度与男孩不同,但我相信男性也拥有这种敏感度,这使得少女漫画作品具有普遍的吸引力。” 50

Sailor Moon combines action with innocence and presents a ‘feminine way of fighting’.49 It also features stories of gay couples and transgender warriors, and this sexual/gender fluidity struck a chord with fans all over the world. As Moto Hagio says: ‘The concept of shōjo [girl] now lives not only in Japan, but all over the world. The sensitivity that girls have is different from that of boys, but I believe that it exists in males also, making shōjo manga works universally appealing.’50

日本政府正像一百多年前一样,寄希望于“卡哇伊”的普世吸引力。然而,如今的国际文化博览会和粉丝大会不再展示折扇和挂轴,而是经常举办由政府赞助的“卡哇伊”展览和活动。巴黎日本博览会就是这样一个展览,每年吸引着25万游客。2022年,我和其他10万人一起参加了西雅图翡翠城动漫展,日本领事馆和全日空航空公司都设立了展位。

The Japanese government is banking on the universality of kawaii’s appeal in the same way it did more than a hundred years ago. However, instead of displaying folding fans and hanging scrolls, today’s international cultural expos and fan conventions often feature kawaii exhibitions and events sponsored by the government. One such exhibition, the Japan Expo in Paris, attracts a quarter of a million visitors each year. At Seattle’s Emerald City Comic Con, which I attended in 2022 along with 100,000 others, the Japanese consulate and All Nippon Airways both had stands.

但政府所做的远不止派代表参加这些活动。2009年,日本外务省任命了三位二十多岁的女性作为“卡哇伊 164大使”。时装模特木村优代表原宿风格,而原宿通常被称为“卡哇伊”的中心。青木美沙子代表洛丽塔风格,而演员兼造型师藤冈静香则代表女学生风格。51

But the government does more than simply send representatives to these events. In 2009 Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs designated three women in their twenties as ‘kawaii 164ambassadors’. Fashion model Yū Kimura represented Harajuku style, from the neighbourhood that’s often called the centre of kawaii. Misako Aoki was chosen to represent Lolita fashion, while the actor and stylist Shizuka Fujioka represented schoolgirl fashion.51

如果“卡哇伊”文化所表达的价值观——在少女漫画中如此明显——没有引起如此广泛的共鸣,它就不会传播得如此广泛,如此顺利。它倡导的合作与沟通理念源于对“可爱”的珍视,而这种品质在娇小脆弱、童真无邪的事物中找到了力量。然而,尽管“可爱”似乎已融入我们的基因,但人类也因暴力、战争和冲突而备受瞩目。对“可爱”的热爱似乎在我们的进化过程中扮演了重要角色,但它究竟发挥了多大的作用?“可爱”究竟有多重要?

The culture of kawaii wouldn’t have travelled so far or so easily if the values it expressed – so evident in girls’ manga – hadn’t resonated so widely. Its ideals of cooperation and communication flow from valuing cuteness, a quality that finds power in the small and vulnerable, the childlike and unthreatening. However, although cuteness seems to be encoded in our genes, the human species is also notable for violence, war and conflict. A love of the cute seems to have played a role in our evolution, but how big a part did it play? How much does cuteness matter?

笔记

Notes

1 Aaron Herald Skabelund,《犬之帝国:犬科动物、日本与现代帝国世界的形成》(纽约州伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2011 年),第 1-2 页。

1 Aaron Herald Skabelund, Empire of Dogs: Canines, Japan, and the Making of the Modern Imperial World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), pp. 1–2.

2.四方田犬彦,《“可爱论”(Kawaii Ron)》(东京:筑摩书房,2006年),第29、30页。“可爱论”最早出现于12世纪末,即清庄乃愿创作《枕草子》之后。当时,“可爱论”是下层阶级的俚语,而《枕草子》则用上层阶级的词语“utsukushi”来表示她列出的可爱之物(同上,第33页)。

2 Inuhiko Yomota, Essay on ‘Kawaii’ (Kawaii Ron), (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo, 2006), pp. 29, 30. This word first appeared in the late twelfth century, after Sei Shonogan wrote The Pillow Book. It was a slang word used by the lower classes, while The Pillow Book employs the upper-class word utsukushi for her list of cute things (ibid., p. 33).

3 G. Esposito 等人,《宝贝,你照亮了我的脸:对婴儿的文化普遍生理反应和成年人的文化特异性认知判断》,PLoS ONE 9, 10: e106705 (2014),doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0106705。

3 G. Esposito et al., ‘Baby, You Light-Up My Face: Culture-General Physiological Responses to Infants and Culture-Specific Cognitive Judgements of Adults’, PLoS ONE 9, 10: e106705 (2014), doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0106705.

4 Yomota,《“Kawaii”论文》,第 34、73 页。另请参阅 Nittono,““Kawaii”的双层模型”,第 81 页。233

4 Yomota, Essay on ‘Kawaii’, pp. 34, 73. See also Nittono, ‘The Two-Layer Model of “Kawaii”’, p. 81. 233

5 Yomota,《论“Kawaii”》,第 34 页。

5 Yomota, Essay on ‘Kawaii’, p. 34.

6 Nittono,《“Kawaii”的双层模型》,第 82 页。

6 Nittono, ‘The Two-Layer Model of “Kawaii”’, p. 82.

7增田,《少女漫画及其接受》,第 7 页。 21.

7 Masuda, ‘Shōjo Manga and its Acceptance’, p. 21.

8 Alisha Saikia,《日本宗教空间中的伽罗》, 《维也纳东亚研究杂志》第 13 卷(2021 年),第 258 页。

8 Alisha Saikia, ‘Kyara in Japanese Religious Spaces’, Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 13 (2021), p. 258.

9独特的“设计井盖”在日本随处可见,狂热爱好者不惜走遍全国只为一睹它们的风采。参见 Allan Richarz 的文​​章《探寻日本精致多彩的井盖》,Atlas Obscura(2019 年 3 月 15 日),www.atlasobscura.com/ articles/japanese-manhole -covers(2022 年 10 月 5 日访问)。

9 Unique ‘design manholes’ are common across Japan, and dedicated enthusiasts travel the country to see them. See Allan Richarz, ‘On the hunt for Japan’s elaborate, colorful manhole covers’, Atlas Obscura (15 March 2019), www.atlasobscura.com/articles/japanese-manhole-covers (accessed 5 October 2022).

10 Slade,《当代日本的可爱男人》,第 83 页。

10 Slade, ‘Cute men in contemporary Japan’, p. 83.

11同上,第 84 页。

11 Ibid., p. 84.

12 Masafumi Monden,《深夜无月的美丽少年:现代日本的男孩审美》, ASIEN 147(2018 年 4 月),第 66、86 页。

12 Masafumi Monden, ‘The Beautiful Shōnen of the Deep and Moonless Night: The Boyish Aesthetic in Modern Japan’, ASIEN 147 (April 2018), pp. 66, 86.

13 Slade,《当代日本的可爱男人》,第 85-6 页。

13 Slade, ‘Cute men in contemporary Japan’, pp. 85–6.

14同上,第87页。原因之一是,“可爱”不仅仅是一种“样子”,更是一套行为规范和期望。这在世界其他地方也同样适用,因为当男性通过可爱展现童真和天真烂漫,并心甘情愿地展现脆弱、善良和敏感时,他们就打破了传统男性气质所宣称的男性更成熟、更严肃、更坚强、更有社会价值的观念。同上,第79页、85-86页。

14 Ibid., p. 87. One reason for this is that kawaii is not merely a ‘look’, but is also a set of behavioural norms and expectations. This applies to the rest of the world as well, because when men embrace the childlike and whimsical through cuteness, and willingly display vulnerability, kindness and sensitivity, they disrupt the claim made by traditional masculinity that men are the more mature, serious, strong and socially useful gender. Ibid., pp. 79, 85–6.

15 Monden,《深夜无月的少年》,第85页。卡哇伊文化对日本男性气质的影响持续增长。“卡哇伊男性气质在当代日本文化中无处不在,从广告到电视节目,从杂志到时尚媒体,影响着当代日本男性的自我形象。” 同上,第65页。

15 Monden, ‘The Beautiful Shōnen of the Deep and Moonless Night’, p. 85. Kawaii culture’s impact on Japanese masculinity has continued to grow. ‘Kawaii masculinity is omnipresent in contemporary Japanese culture, from advertising to television programs, from magazines to fashion media, exerting influence upon the self-image of contemporary Japanese men.’ Ibid., p. 65.

16 Leila Madge,《利用“可爱”:战后日本新秩序中的社会关系美学》,《日本研究》 9, 1(1998 年),第 160 页。

16 Leila Madge, ‘Capitalizing on “Cuteness”: The Aesthetics of Social Relations in a New Postwar Japanese Order’, Japanstudien 9, 1 (1998), p. 160.

17 Sharon Kinsella,《日本的可爱们》, 《日本的女性、媒体和消费》,L. Skove 和 B. Moeran 编辑(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,1995 年),第 243-245 页。

17 Sharon Kinsella, ‘Cuties in Japan’, Women, Media and Consumption in Japan, ed. L. Skove and B. Moeran (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995), pp. 243–5.

18 Tomiko Yoda,《女孩风景:日本媒体氛围的营销》,《日本媒体理论》,Marc Steinberg 和 Alexander Zahiten 编辑(北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2017 年),第 178 页。234

18 Tomiko Yoda, ‘Girlscape: The Marketing of Mediatic Ambience in Japan’, Media Theory in Japan, ed. Marc Steinberg and Alexander Zahiten (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017), p. 178. 234

19同上,第 173-199 页。

19 Ibid., pp. 173–99.

20 Jennifer S. Prough,《直击心灵:性别、亲密关系和少女漫画的文化产物》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2010 年),第 110 页。

20 Jennifer S. Prough, Straight from the Heart: Gender, Intimacy, and the Cultural Production of Shojo Manga (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2010), p. 110.

21 Shamoon,《热情的友谊》,第 140 页。

21 Shamoon, Passionate Friendship, p. 140.

22 Kinsella,《日本的可爱》,第222-24页。另请参阅Mio Bryce,《需要可爱:全球社会中的新语言/交流工具》,《国际人文期刊》第2, 3期(2006年),第2269页。

22 Kinsella, ‘Cuties in Japan’, pp. 222–4. See also Mio Bryce, ‘Cuteness needed: The new language/communication device in a global society’, International Journal of the Humanities 2, 3 (2006), p. 2269.

23同上,第 222 页。另请参阅 Mio Bryce,“在现代多媒体和大众传播世界中写作的视觉化:以日语书面语为重点”,《标记我们的差异会议论文集》(墨尔本:墨尔本大学语言学院,2003 年),第 245-246 页。

23 Ibid., p. 222. See also Mio Bryce, ‘Visuality of writing in our modern world of multimedia and mass communication: Focusing on the written Japanese’, Proceedings of the Marking Our Difference Conference (Melbourne: School of Languages, University of Melbourne, 2003), pp. 245–6.

24 Bryce,《现代多媒体和大众传播世界中写作的视觉性》,第 245 页。

24 Bryce, ‘Visuality of writing in our modern world of multimedia and mass communication’, p. 245.

25 Kinsella,《日本的可爱字体》,第223-224页。到20世纪80年代中期,10%的初中男生和17.5%的高中男生也开始使用这种可爱的字体,据估计,当时使用这种新字体的年轻人总数超过500万。(同上)

25 Kinsella, ‘Cuties in Japan’, pp. 223–4. By the mid-1980s 10 per cent of male middle-school and 17.5 per cent of male high-school students were also using this kawaii handwriting style, and it was estimated that more than five million young people were using the new script in total. (Ibid.)

26同上,第 222 页。

26 Ibid., p. 222.

27 Orbaugh,《Busty Battlin' Babes》,第 213 页。

27 Orbaugh, ‘Busty Battlin’ Babes’, p. 213.

28 Kinsella,《日本的可爱》,第220页。那些发明了可爱文笔的女学生长大成人后,依然热爱“卡哇伊”美学,这种美学对从时装到家居用品等各种设计都产生了广泛影响。大塚英二,《少女联合赤军:亚文化与战后民主》(东京:文艺春秋社,1996年),第183-186页。

28 Kinsella, ‘Cuties in Japan’, p. 220. As the schoolgirls who invented the cute writing style became adults, they continued their love of the kawaii aesthetic, which had a broad influence on the design of everything from fashion to household objects. Eiji Ōtsuka, Girls’ United Red Army: Subculture and Postwar Democracy (Kanojo tachi no rengô sekigun: sabukaruchâ to sengo minshushugi), (Tokyo: Bungeishunjûsha, 1996), pp. 183–6.

29马特·阿尔特(Matt Alt),《纯粹的发明:日本流行文化如何征服世界》(纽约:兰登书屋,2020 年),第 189 页。

29 Matt Alt, Pure Invention: How Japan’s pop culture conquered the world (New York: Random House, 2020), p. 189.

30同上,第 192-193 页。

30 Ibid., pp. 192–3.

31然而,如今日本的女学生已经改变了想法。表情符号已被名为“图章”或“贴纸”的动画图画所取代,这些动画图画能够精准地传达出一种“可爱”的情感。

31 These days, however, Japanese schoolgirls have moved on. Emoji have been supplanted by animated drawings called stamps or stickers that communicate a precise burst of kawaii emotion.

32 Kinko Ito,《日本历史上的漫画》,载《日本视觉文化:漫画和动画世界的探索》,Mark W. MacWilliams 编辑(伦敦:劳特利奇,2008 年),第 26、29-32 页。235

32 Kinko Ito, ‘Manga in Japanese History’, in Japanese Visual Culture: Explorations in the World of Manga and Anime, ed. Mark W. MacWilliams (London: Routledge, 2008), pp. 26, 29–32. 235

33 Deborah Shamoon,《在少女漫画中定位少女:少女、浪漫漫画和当代日本文化》,同上,第 139 页。

33 Deborah Shamoon, ‘Situating the Shojo in Shojo Manga: Teenage Girls, Romance Comics and Contemporary Japanese Culture’, ibid., p. 139.

34同上,第 35-6 页。

34 Ibid., pp. 35–6.

35同上。

35 Ibid.

36 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 120、124 页。另请参阅 Shamoon,《热情的友谊》,第 99 页。

36 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, pp. 120, 124. See also Shamoon, Passionate Friendship, p. 99.

37 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 125 页。

37 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, p. 125.

38同上,第 124 页。

38 Ibid., p. 124.

39 Prough,《直抒胸臆》,第 38 页。

39 Prough, Straight from the Heart, p. 38.

40伊藤,《日本历史上的漫画》,第 14 页。 41.

40 Ito, ‘Manga in Japanese History’, p. 41.

41 Deborah Shamoon,《革命浪漫:凡尔赛玫瑰与少女漫画的变身》,Mechademia Second Arc 2,1(2007 年 1 月)第 3 页。

41 Deborah Shamoon, ‘Revolutionary Romance: The Rose of Versailles and the Transformation of Shojo Manga’, Mechademia Second Arc 2, 1 (January 2007) p. 3.

42 Takahashi,《打开少女漫画的封闭世界》,第 129 页。

42 Takahashi, ‘Opening the closed world of shōjo manga’, p. 129.

43同上,第 132 页。

43 Ibid., p. 132.

44 Orbaugh,《Busty Battlin' Babes》,第 213 页。

44 Orbaugh, ‘Busty Battlin’ Babes’, p. 213.

45 Patrick W. Galbraith,《寻求替代方案:自 1970 年代以来的“男性”少女粉丝》,载《跨媒体少女:探索当代日本的“女孩”实践》,Jaqueline Bernt、Kazumi Nagaike 和 Fusami Ogi 编辑(伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan,2019 年),第 357-359 页。

45 Patrick W. Galbraith, ‘Seeking an alternative: “male” shōjo fans since the 1970s’, in Shōjo Across Media: Exploring ‘Girl’ Practices in Contemporary Japan, ed. Jaqueline Bernt, Kazumi Nagaike and Fusami Ogi (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), pp. 357–9.

46 Sharon Kinsella,《成人漫画:当代日本社会的文化与权力》(檀香山:夏威夷大学出版社,2000 年),第 48 页。

46 Sharon Kinsella, Adult Manga: Culture and Power in Contemporary Japanese Society (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), p. 48.

47山田智子,《山田智子的简介和访谈》,Toku 采访,编辑,《少女和少女漫画的国际视角》,第 140 页。

47 Tomoko Yamada, ‘Profile and Interview with Tomoko Yamada’, Interview by Toku, ed., International Perspectives on Shōjo and Shōjo Manga, p. 140.

48.原版《美少女战士》漫画共18卷。第一部动画连载了五季;其重启作品《美少女战士Crystal》连载了三季。该系列已被改编成多部动画电影、音乐剧和电视剧。Kathryn Hemmann,《短裙与超能力:美丽格斗少女的进化》,《美日女性杂志》第47期(2014年),第53-54页。

48 The original Sailor Moon manga runs to eighteen volumes. The first anime ran for five seasons; a reboot, Sailor Moon Crystal, ran for three. There have been numerous animated films, musical theatrical productions and television shows based on the series. Kathryn Hemmann, ‘Short Skirts and Superpowers: The Evolution of the Beautiful Fighting Girl’, U.S.–Japan Women’s Journal 47 (2014), pp. 53–4.

49 Yukari Fujimoto,《美少女战士!所有女孩都想要的宝箱》,收录于 Toku 编辑的《国际少女与少女漫画视角》,第 33 页。

49 Yukari Fujimoto, ‘Sailor Moon! The Treasure Box All the Girls Want’, in Toku, ed., International Perspectives on Shōjo and Shōjo Manga, p. 33.

50萩尾望都,《萩尾望都的简介和访谈》,德正美采访,收录于德主编的《少女和少女漫画的国际视角》,第 210 页。236

50 Moto Hagio, ‘Profile and Interview with Hagio Moto’, Interview by Masami Toku, in Toku, ed., International Perspectives on Shōjo and Shōjo Manga, p. 210. 236

51日本外务省新闻发布会(2009 年 3 月 12 日),www.mofa.go.jp/ announce/press/2009/3/ 0312.html。

51 Press Conference, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (12 March 2009), www.mofa.go.jp/announce/press/2009/3/0312.html.

美国的可爱审美主导了二十世纪,但二十一世纪或许属于“卡哇伊”。少女漫画的传播尤其表明,“卡哇伊”不仅在视觉层面上受到全球受众的青睐,其相关的价值观和行为方式,例如同理心和对合作的欣赏,也同样受到欢迎。我们进化出对可爱的感知能力,这是否对“卡哇伊”这些特质的形成起到了重要作用?

The American cute aesthetic dominated the twentieth century, but the twenty-first may well belong to kawaii. The spread of girls’ manga in particular shows that it’s not only the visual aspects of kawaii that are finding a receptive global audience, but also its associated values and behaviours, such as empathy and an appreciation of cooperation. Could the fact that we evolved to feel cuteness have been important in developing these qualities that are part of kawaii?

提出这个问题会让我们陷入危险。日本是一个百年来的刻板印象,认为它是一个“孩子气的国家”,而“可爱”的传播很容易重燃这种观点。我的同事“可爱研究”学者艾丽卡·金坂(Erica Kanesaka)指出,“可爱”在美国已经被视为一种特别孩子气的166可爱形式,这加剧了亚裔美国女性天生顺从的错误刻板印象。1

Posing this question puts us on treacherous ground. A century-old stereotype held that Japan was a ‘nation of children’, and the spread of kawaii could easily revive this view. My fellow Cute Studies scholar Erica Kanesaka has noted that kawaii is already perceived in the US as a particularly childlike 166form of cuteness, which fuels the false stereotype that Asian American women are subservient by nature.1

尽管史蒂芬·杰伊·古尔德(Stephen Jay Gould)写道,幼态持续使成年智人变成永久的儿童,但他谨慎地指出,我们对可爱特征的依恋既可能是后天习得的,也可能是生物编程的结果。2如果没有他的谨慎,我们可能会得出一个错误的结论,即日本人进化得比其他民族更可爱。

Although Stephen Jay Gould wrote that neoteny made adult Homo sapiens into permanent children, he was careful to note that our attachment to cute features is as likely to be as much learned as it is biologically programmed.2 Without his caution, we might reach the inaccurate conclusion that the Japanese evolved to be cuter than other ethnic groups.

可爱研究之父康拉德·洛伦兹就是这种错误思维方式的典型例子。虽然他并没有专门写过关于日本人的文章,但他确实认为有些人比其他人更容易被驯化。然而,如果我们真的像人类自我驯化假说所暗示的那样进化得温顺,那么我相信这种变化很久以前就发生了,并且适用于我们整个物种。我们稍后会更深入地探讨洛伦兹的观点。

Konrad Lorenz, the father of cute studies, is a good example of this erroneous way of thinking. While he didn’t write about the Japanese in particular, he did believe that some people are more domesticated than others. However, if we evolved to be tame as the human self-domestication hypothesis suggests, then I believe this change happened long ago and applies to our entire species. We’ll take a closer look at Lorenz’s ideas later on.

可爱使我们成为人类吗?

Did cuteness make us human?

人类自我驯化假说最近引起了广泛关注,但关于其发生机制的争论却十分激烈;与狼不同,人类并非被收养或喂养,从而走向驯服之路。此外,我们仍然能够施加可怕的暴力;在进化早期,我们是否更加暴力?如果是这样,我们是如何消灭那些极具攻击性的个体,以便让更友善的个体将其基因遗传给后代的?

The human self-domestication hypothesis has recently attracted much interest, but there is huge debate about how it may have happened; unlike wolves, no one adopted or fed us to set us on the path to tameness. In addition we’re still capable of inflicting horrific violence; were we even more violent earlier in our evolution? If so, how did we get rid of those highly aggressive individuals so that the friendlier ones could pass on their genes to subsequent generations?

西伯利亚狐狸实验表明,驯服(表现为对其他物种的友好)是驯化过程中最重要的因素。研究狗的驯化过程时,我们发现,当狼变成狗时,它们似乎获得了将人视为家人的能力,反之亦然。与实验中的狐狸不同,狗在自身的驯化过程中可能扮演着积极的伙伴角色。

The Siberian-fox experiment suggests that tameness, expressed by friendliness towards other species, is the most important factor in domestication. Looking into dog domestication, we found that when wolves became dogs they seemed to have gained the ability to view people as family, and vice versa. Unlike the foxes in the experiment, dogs may have been active partners in their own domestication.

幼态持续与驯化密切相关。狗就像从未长大的狼167——事实上,它们似乎停留在幼年阶段。成年后的狗也能彼此交朋友,而狼则缺乏这种特质。虽然许多动物缺乏这种灵活的社会性,但智人却拥有丰富的社会性。或许人类找到了一种将驯服转化为生存优势的方法。

Neoteny is closely related to domestication. Dogs are like 167wolves that never grew up3 – in fact they seem to be stuck in a juvenile phase. Dogs can also make friends with each other in adulthood, a quality lacking in wolves.4 Though many animals lack such flexible sociality, Homo sapiens has it in abundance. Perhaps humans found a way to make tameness into a survival advantage.

正如古尔德所解释的,人类在成熟过程中保持青春活力,这体现了“逆生长”的现象。古尔德认为,这种幼态持续的某些特征之所以出现,是因为人们觉得它很可爱。5如今,许多杰出的进化生物学家认为,幼态持续是自我驯化概念中最重要的特征。6与青春相关的特质,例如学习新事物的能力,是我们人类本质的重要组成部分,而我们一生中玩耍的习性正是这些特质得以展现的体现。

As Gould explained, humans show ‘growth in reverse’ by remaining youthful as they mature. Gould argued that aspects of this neoteny emerged because people find it cute,5 and many prominent evolutionary biologists now consider it to be the most important feature within the concept of self-domestication.6 Qualities associated with youth, such as the ability to learn new things, are a crucial part of what makes us human, and our propensity to play throughout our lives allows for their expression.

如果人类是驯化物种,那么我们对幼态可爱的偏好或许源于我们至少在10万年前就开始的行为和外貌变化。换句话说,可爱或许不仅仅是一种偏好;它或许是我们最初成为智人的原因之一。但现在我们又回到了先有鸡还是先有蛋的问题。可爱或许影响了我们的进化,但我们是因为驯服才可爱,还是因为可爱才驯服?

If humans are a domesticated species, then our penchant for neotenic cuteness may be due to changes in our behaviour and appearance that began at least 100,000 years ago. Cuteness, in other words, may be more than just a preference; it could have been part of the reason we became Homo sapiens in the first place. But now we’re back to the chicken-versus-egg problem. Cuteness may have influenced our evolution, but are we cute because we’re tame, or tame because we’re cute?

康拉德·洛伦兹和纳粹

Konrad Lorenz and the Nazis

洛伦兹曾经评论说,尼安德特人灭绝是因为他们觉得智人“更可爱”,更喜欢我们而不是他们自己。7人们认为人类通过竞争或暴力灭绝尼安德特人来取代他们时,这种想法并没有被认真对待,但马克斯普朗克研究所的科学家发现现代人类的基因组中包含尼安德特人的 DNA,这一发现引起了不同的共鸣。8尼安德特不是我们的直系祖先168— — 就像狗是现已灭绝的一种狼的后代一样。然而,智人能够与尼安德特人杂交,就像狗可以与现代狼杂交一样。

Lorenz once remarked that Neanderthals died out because they found Homo sapiens to be ‘cuter’ and preferred us over their own kind.7 This idea was not taken seriously while it was assumed that humans had either outcompeted or violently exterminated Neanderthals to replace them, but it took on a different resonance with the discovery by scientists at the Max Planck Institute that the genome of modern humans includes Neanderthal DNA.8 Neanderthals are not our direct ancestor 168– just as dogs descended from a type of wolf that is now extinct. Yet Homo sapiens was able to interbreed with Homo neanderthalensis, exactly as dogs can with modern wolves.

我们比尼安德特人可爱吗?他们眉骨浓密,额头倾斜,下颌突出。我们的头更小更圆,脸更短更平。9我们的牙齿、下颌和鼻子都更小——这些特征正是狗与其野狼祖先的区别所在。10或许洛伦兹是对的,尼安德特人确实比他们自己更喜欢我们,但当他把自己关于可爱的知识运用到现代人类身上时,他却进入了更加危险的境地。

Are we cuter than Neanderthals? They had heavy eyebrow ridges, sloping foreheads and protruding jaws. Our heads are smaller and rounder, and our faces are shorter and flatter.9 We have smaller teeth, jaws and noses – the same suite of traits that distinguishes dogs from their wild wolf forebears.10 Perhaps Lorenz was right and Neanderthals did prefer us to their own kind, but when he applied his knowledge of cuteness to modern humans he entered much more dangerous ground.

康拉德·洛伦兹于1943年创建的儿童图式,列出了大多数人认为可爱的幼态持续特征。它指导了数十年来关于可爱本质的研究,我从一开始就知道它将成为“可爱研究”领域的关键。然而,当我开始深入研究他的工作和生活时,我震惊地发现,这位杰出的科学家竟然是纳粹党的正式党员。他也是纳粹党种族政策办公室的成员,并积极支持该党的“种族科学”,而这直接导致了大规模屠杀。11

The child schema that Konrad Lorenz created in 1943 lists the neotenous characteristics that most people find cute. It has guided decades of research into the nature of cuteness, and I knew from the beginning that it would be key to the field of Cute Studies. However, when I began to delve more deeply into his work and life, I was horrified to discover that this eminent scientist had been a card-carrying member of the Nazi Party. He was also a member of its Office of Race Policy and actively supported its ‘race science’ that led directly to mass murder.11

与许多其他曾参与纳粹主义的知识分子一样,洛伦兹在战后忏悔,他的声誉也得以保全。1973年,他与反对纳粹的同事共同获得了诺贝尔奖,这些同事认为洛伦兹真诚地后悔自己曾经的支持纳粹。12

Like many other intellectuals who had become involved with Nazism, Lorenz repented after the war and his reputation survived intact. He shared a Nobel Prize in 1973 with colleagues who had opposed the Nazis, and who believed that Lorenz sincerely regretted his former support.12

如今,大多数“可爱研究”学者都认为,洛伦兹的儿童图式与他的纳粹经历毫无关联——即便他们对此有所了解。13但这真是如此吗?人类的自我驯化是他关于人体生物学著作中的一个关键概念,而他关于“可爱”(包括他的儿童图式)的理念与他对这一主题的思考紧密相连。经过进一步研究,我发现洛伦兹从未放弃构成他“可爱”理念的基本原则——这些理念是他169在战争期间提出的,并且与纳粹意识形态相符。在我看来,这危及了整个“可爱研究”领域。我决定仔细研究,看看最初构成他理念的种族主义是否真的能够轻易被剔除。

Today most Cute Studies scholars assume that Lorenz’s child schema is unconnected with his Nazi past – if they know about it at all.13 But is this really true? Human self-domestication was a key concept in his writings about human biology, and his ideas about cuteness (including his child schema) were tightly connected to his thinking on this subject. Doing more research, I discovered that Lorenz never abandoned the basic tenets that informed his ideas about cuteness – ideas that he 169propounded during the war and that were consistent with Nazi ideology. As far as I was concerned, this jeopardised the whole field of Cute Studies. I decided to take a closer look, to see if the racism that originally informed his ideas could be excised so easily.

人类比野生动物更像家养动物——即我们驯服了自己——这一理论由来已久。主要争论点有两个:首先,驯化只发生在部分人类群体中,还是适用于所有人?其次,驯化是好是坏?

The theory that humans resemble domesticated animals more than wild ones – that we tamed ourselves – has a long history. There are two main points of contention: first, did domestication occur in only some human populations or does it apply to everybody? Second, is it good or bad?

关于驯化是否适用于所有人类的争论可以追溯到古希腊。亚里士多德认为只有定居的农民、村庄和城市居民才能被驯化,而其他哲学家则持不同意见。泰奥弗拉斯托斯认为,驯化不仅是人类的普遍现象,而且人类是驯化程度最高的物种。14

The argument over whether domestication applied to all humans goes back to the ancient Greeks. Aristotle considered only settled farmers, village and city-dwellers to be domesticated, while other philosophers disagreed. Theophrastus believed not only that domestication was a human universal, but also that humans were the most domesticated species.14

这两位古希腊哲学家都认为人类驯化是一种积极的发展,但在19世纪末20世纪初,它却被人们以负面的眼光看待——洛伦兹正是从这里切入的。尽管当时许多德国知识分子认为“雅利安人”是优越的种族,但洛伦兹等人认为,他们所谓的审美和道德美德源于他们是驯化程度最低的种族类型。15

Both these ancient Greek philosophers considered human domestication to be a positive development, but in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it was seen in a negative light – and this is where Lorenz enters the picture. Although many German intellectuals at the time believed that ‘Aryan’ people were racially superior, Lorenz and others believed that their supposed aesthetic and moral virtues came about because they were the least-domesticated racial type.15

洛伦兹终其一生都坚信本能驱动着人类的行为,但他认为驯化改变了这些本能及其引发的行为,尤其是在“家庭凝聚力、父母照料和保护后代”方面。换句话说,他认为,我们倾向于将自己孩子以外的任何事物视为可爱,这体现了我们父母本能的弱化。16

Throughout his life Lorenz continued to believe that instincts drove human behaviour, but he thought domestication had altered these instincts and the behaviours they triggered, especially relating to ‘family cohesion, parental care and defense of offspring’. In other words, he believed that our propensity to regard anything other than our own babies as cute represented a weakening of our parental instincts.16

洛伦兹认为,本能越弱,就越容易被触发,从而导致他所谓的“错位反应”。例如,他写道,当小狗170“被没有孩子的女性当作父母关爱的替代物”时,她们对宠物倾注的爱代表着至关重要的父母本能的失灵。洛伦兹进一步断言,可爱的小狗、玩偶和其他能够激发我们情感的“玩偶”导致了“社会行为的粗俗化” 。17

Lorenz believed that as an instinct becomes weaker, it is more easily triggered, leading to what he called ‘misplaced responses’. For example, he wrote that when small dogs are 170‘taken over by childless women as substitute objects for their parental care’, the love they lavish on their pets represents a misfiring of crucial parental instincts. Lorenz goes on to assert that cute dogs, dolls and other ‘dummies’ that trigger our feelings have resulted in a ‘coarsening of social behaviour’.17

二战后,洛伦兹的观点受到了许多科学家的质疑,18但他始终坚信本能驱动着我们的情绪和价值判断。19因此,他认为,我们对“可爱”反应的过度解读——我们常常觉得动物、物体以及婴儿都很可爱——是一件坏事。他的儿童图式旨在阐明这一观点。20

Lorenz’s ideas were challenged after the Second World War by many scientists,18 but he never relinquished the view that instinct drives our emotions and value judgements.19 For this reason, he believed that the profligacy of our cuteness response – the fact that we often feel animals and objects are cute, as well as babies – was a bad thing. His child schema was meant to illustrate this idea.20

洛伦兹认为,如果某种本能因驯化的影响而失效,我们就会做出“不恰当”的审美判断。但谁来决定哪种反应才是恰当的呢?当然不是别人,正是洛伦兹本人——而这正是他的观点的危险之处。可爱或许是对某些刺激的生物反应,而这些刺激是我们DNA的一部分,但我们在将有关我们生物学的洞见应用于文化审美判断时,应该谨慎行事。这样做会让我们陷入危险的境地,常常导致种族刻板印象,以及对那些被认为进化程度较低或“适合”生存的人的歧视。

According to Lorenz, if an instinct misfires due to the effects of domestication, then we make an ‘improper’ aesthetic judgement. But who decides which is a proper response? Why, none other than Lorenz himself – and this is where the danger of his ideas lies. Cuteness may be a biological response to certain stimuli that is part of our DNA, but we should be careful in applying insights concerning our biology to cultural aesthetic judgement. Doing so places us on a slippery slope that too often leads to ethnic stereotyping and discrimination against those deemed to be less evolved or ‘fit’ to survive.

当前研究认为,可爱事物在我们产生意识思考之前就吸引了我们的注意力,促使我们的大脑做好社交和亲和行为的准备。然而,接下来会有一个“认知评估”期,我们会在这个阶段思考所见。我们的个人成长经历和文化背景会影响我们随后的感受和行为。我们对可爱事物的生理反应并不会决定我们对它的行为。

Current research holds that cuteness attracts our attention before conscious thought is possible, priming our brain to be ready for social, affiliative behaviour. However, this is followed by a ‘cognitive appraisal’ period in which we think about what we’ve seen. Our individual upbringing and cultural background play a part in what we subsequently feel and do. Our biological response to something cute does not dictate our behaviour towards it.

我认为,我们觉得娃娃和小狗可爱,是我们进化工具箱中的一个优点,而不是像洛伦兹认为的那样,是一个缺陷。对可爱事物的偏爱可能通过适应和选择塑造了人类的进化,促成甚至171导致了我们被驯化。另一方面,我们并不总是温顺可爱。如果10万年前真的存在未驯服的恶霸,那么其中较为冷静的个体是如何摆脱这些暴君并将基因传承下来的呢?

I think the fact that we can find dolls and puppies cute is a positive feature of our evolutionary toolkit, not a flaw, as Lorenz thought. A preference for the adorable may have shaped human evolution through adaptation and selection, contributing to or 171even causing us to become domesticated. On the other hand, we don’t always act tame and lovable. If there really were undomesticated bullies running around 100,000 years ago, how did the calmer individuals among them get rid of these tyrants and pass on their genes?

阿尔法男性的神话

The myth of the alpha male

关于人类自我驯化的持续争论,关键在于我们究竟是如何成功地将社会中大量具有高度攻击性的个体清除,从而促进更友好、更合作的成员进化的。没有人能给出确切答案,而且对古人类DNA的研究也无法揭示出10万或20万年前人类的动机。

The ongoing debate over human self-domestication hinges on exactly how we could have managed to rid society of enough highly aggressive individuals to favour the evolution of more friendly, cooperative members. No one knows for sure, and studies of ancient human DNA don’t reveal much about the motivations of people who lived 100,000 or 200,000 years ago.

黑猩猩是我们现存的近亲,但它们社会中的暴力程度至少比任何人类群体高出数百倍。21如果我们最初像猿类一样具有高度攻击性,那么我们是如何摆脱人类的“阿尔法雄性”——那些为了维护自身至高地位而残酷斗争的暴君的?如果这样的阿尔法雄性为了确保基因得以传承而杀死性对手,那么那些攻击性较弱的个体是如何击败他的?

Chimps are our closest living relatives, but the levels of violence in their societies are at least several hundred times higher than those of any human community.21 If we were initially highly aggressive, like apes, then how did we get rid of the human ‘alpha males’, those tyrants who viciously fought to maintain their position at the top of the heap? If such an alpha male was killing his sexual rivals to ensure his genes were passed on, how did the less aggressive individuals defeat him?

哈佛大学生物人类学教授理查德·兰厄姆(Richard Wrangham)提出,协同处决是解决这个问题的方案。在他看来,人类语言的发展有助于摆脱阿尔法雄性(alpha male)。一旦我们能够交流,地位较低的雄性群体就可以聚在一起秘密策划,然后为了共同利益杀死一个具有威胁性的暴君。这些更宽容、更合作的雄性随后有机会传承他们的基因。在兰厄姆看来,处决启动了自我驯化。最终,通过系统地消灭极具攻击性的雄性,我们成为了如今相对冷静、更合作的物种。22 172

Richard Wrangham, a professor of biological anthropology at Harvard University, proposes that coordinated executions were a solution to this problem. In his view, the human development of language helped get rid of alpha males. Once we could talk, groups of lower-status males could get together and plan in secret, before killing a threatening tyrant for the common good. These more tolerant, cooperative men then had the chance to pass on their genes. In Wrangham’s view, executions kick-started self-domestication. Eventually, through the systematic elimination of highly aggressive males, we became the relatively calm and cooperative species of today.22 172

兰厄姆的理论认为,自控力更强的男性会对那些让其他人苦不堪言的霸凌者施以致命的暴力。在他那个弱肉强食的世界里,丝毫没有可爱之处。与之相反的是,科学家们对人类的处境持更为积极的看法。“我不敢相信我们竟然还在向弗洛伊德和洛伦兹低头,”灵长类动物学家弗兰斯·德·瓦尔写道。“那种认为只有压制人类生理才能实现最佳社会性的想法已经过时了。” 23

Wrangham’s theory proposes that males with more self-control unleashed lethal violence on aggressive bullies who were making life miserable for everyone else. There’s no cuteness in his dog-eat-dog world. On the opposite side are scientists who take a more positive view of the human condition. ‘I can’t believe that we are still bowing to Freud and Lorenz,’ the primatologist Frans de Waal writes. ‘The idea that we can achieve optimal sociality only by subduing human biology is antiquated.’23

与兰厄姆不同,德瓦尔并不认为攻击性是人类的本质特征。在他的职业生涯中,他与许多黑猩猩阿尔法雄性结识,并表示大多数雄性黑猩猩都与暴虐的恶霸截然相反。这是因为黑猩猩雄性的崛起依赖于群体中其他雄性的协助。“即使是体型最小的雄性,如果拥有合适的支持者,也可能成为阿尔法,”德瓦尔写道。24与兰厄姆的断言相去甚远,后者认为体格最强壮、攻击性最强的雄性最终会胜出。

Unlike Wrangham, de Waal does not believe that aggression is a defining trait of the human condition. Throughout his career he became personally acquainted with many chimpanzee alpha males – and he says that most were the exact opposite of a tyrannical bully. This is because chimpanzee males rise with assistance from others in the troop. ‘The smallest male may become alpha if he has the right supporters,’ writes de Waal.24 This is a far cry from Wrangham’s assertion that the physically strongest and most aggressive male will always win out.

虽然由一群从属男性处决暴君可能是人类自我驯化的一个因素,但它不太可能是唯一的因素。兰厄姆的论述以男性为中心,并假设史前人类社会都是父权制和专制的。25否定了女性在人类自我驯化过程中的任何作用,理由是她们体力较弱。26毕竟,在灵长类动物群落中,雌性领袖的地位低于雄性领袖。在这种情况下,雌性如何能够行使任何程度的权威

Although the execution of tyrants by groups of subordinate males may have been a factor in human self-domestication, it’s unlikely to have been the only one. Wrangham’s account is centred on men and assumes that prehistoric human communities were all patriarchal and authoritarian.25 He dismisses any role for women in human self-domestication, on the basis that they are less physically strong.26 After all, in primate communities the alpha female is lower in status than the alpha male. How could females in this situation have exercised any degree of authority?

2016年,一只名叫“妈妈”的阿尔法黑猩猩在荷兰一家动物园里,与长期照顾它的扬·范·胡夫深情告别的视频在网上疯传,令它死后名声大噪。“妈妈”活了59岁,在她漫长的一生中,她探索出了雌性如何在男性主导的灵长类社会中掌握权力。弗朗斯·德·173瓦尔也认识“妈妈”。他写道:“妈妈是男性权力斗争中的积极参与者。她会为某个雄性争取雌性的支持,如果这只雄性最终成功登顶,她就会感激他。然而,这只雄性最好还是和她保持良好关系,因为如果“妈妈”背叛了他,他的职业生涯可能就结束了。” 27

In 2016 an alpha chimpanzee named Mama attained posthumous Internet fame when a video of her saying an affectionate deathbed goodbye to her longtime caretaker, Jan van Hooff, at a zoo in the Netherlands went viral. Mama lived to be fifty-nine, and during her long life she figured out how females could wield power in male-dominated primate societies. Frans de 173Waal knew Mama, too. He writes: ‘Mama was an active player in male power struggles. She would rally female support for one male or another, who would be in her debt if he managed to get to the top. This male would do well to stay on her good side, however, because if Mama turned against him, his career might be over.’27

尽管德瓦尔承认,在野外没有观察到雌性有这种行为,但圈养环境中存在这种行为的事实表明,雌性有这种能力。

While de Waal admits that females have not been observed to do this in the wild, the fact that this behaviour exists in captivity shows that the capacity for it is there.

萨波尔斯基狒狒

Sapolsky’s baboons

在圈养环境中,动物在野外被压抑的本性有机会得到释放。然而,在适当的条件下,即使是野生灵长类动物群体也能展现出它们天性中较为温和的一面。

In captivity, aspects of animals’ nature that are suppressed in the wild have a chance to find expression. Yet under the right conditions, even communities of wild primates can embrace the gentler side of their nature.

1978年,灵长类动物学家罗伯特·萨波斯基(Robert Sapolsky)研究了塞伦盖蒂大草原狒狒的社会和心理压力。他选择的狒狒群拥有充分的悠闲生活方式。食物充足,捕食者稀少,但狒狒群成员之间的攻击性互动却屡见不鲜。萨波斯基写道:“基本上,狒狒每天大约有半个小时的阳光可以用来互相攻击。” 28

In 1978 the primatologist Robert Sapolsky studied social and psychological stress in baboons in the Serengeti savanna. The troop he chose had every opportunity for a relaxed lifestyle. Food was plentiful and predators scarce, yet aggressive interactions between troop members abounded. ‘Basically,’ writes Sapolsky, ‘baboons have about a half dozen solid hours of sunlight to devote to being rotten to each other.’28

随后,在20世纪80年代初,灾难降临。这些狒狒一直睡在距离一家旅游旅馆约半英里的地方,这家旅馆开始将垃圾倾倒在一个露天坑里。那里的食物甚至比森林里还要丰富,但另一群狒狒已经发现了这些食物,所以只有萨波斯基族群中最具攻击性的雄性狒狒才会去那里觅食。然而,1983年,一场由感染肉类引起的牛结核病爆发,导致所有前往垃圾堆觅食的狒狒死亡;萨波斯基族群中46%的雄性狒狒死亡,只剩下攻击性较弱的狒狒。29

Then, in the early 1980s, disaster struck. The baboons had been sleeping about half a mile from a tourist lodge that began dumping its rubbish in an open pit. Food was even more plentiful there than in the forest, but another troop had already discovered this bounty, so only the most aggressive males from Sapolsky’s troop went there to forage. In 1983, however, an outbreak of bovine tuberculosis from infected meat killed all the baboons that went to the dump for food; 46 per cent of the males in Sapolsky’s troop died, leaving only the less aggressive ones.29

到1986年,狼群的行为发生了显著变化。它们174更多地互相梳理毛发,并与雌性建立亲密关系,统治等级也显著放松,暴力互动也减少了。随着高阶雄狼的容忍度提升,下级雄狼的压力水平降低,对雌狼的攻击性也减弱了。30此外,当新的青春期雄狼加入狼群时,它们会采取这种更为温和的社交方式。萨波斯基的研究得出结论,这是因为狼群中的雌狼对新加入的雄狼表现出与原先雄狼相同的亲密关系。31

By 1986 troop behaviour had changed markedly. There was 174more mutual grooming and affiliation with females, and the dominance hierarchy was considerably relaxed, with fewer violent interactions. As tolerance increased in higher-ranking males, subordinate males showed lower stress levels, and less aggression was directed at females.30 Furthermore, when new adolescent males joined the troop, they adopted this mellower social style. Sapolsky’s research concludes that this occurred because the females of the troop showed the new males the same affiliative manner as they showed the resident males.31

德瓦尔的阿尔法雌性狒狒“妈妈”和萨波斯基的宽容狒狒证明了雌性在降低雄性攻击性方面可以发挥作用,但这些例子都只是针对单个动物群体——将自我驯化范式扩展到整个物种,需要一个没有捕食者的栖息地,一个宽容有机会蓬勃发展的环境,以及数千年的时间才能使其开花结果。除了动物园围栏或疾病爆发杀死所有具有攻击性的雄性之外,如何才能满足这些条件?

De Waal’s alpha female, Mama, and Sapolsky’s tolerant baboons demonstrate that females can play a role in reducing male aggression, but these examples are of single troops of animals – extending the self-domestication paradigm to an entire species would require a predator-free habitat, an environment in which tolerance has a chance to thrive, and millennia for it to come to fruition. Apart from zoo enclosures or disease outbreaks that kill off all the aggressive males, how could these conditions be met?

自我驯化

Self-domestication

当动物生活在没有天敌的岛屿上时,它们会逐渐发生变化。鸟类可能会失去翅膀。大型动物体型会变小。一种史前大象最终只有三英尺高。岛屿种群的其他变化包括性成熟延迟以及雄性和雌性之间的差异减小。

When animals live on an island without predators they gradually change. Birds might lose their wings. Large animals become smaller. One prehistoric elephant species ended up only three feet tall. Other changes in island populations include a delay in sexual maturity and fewer differences between males and females.

这种新环境也会影响行为。岛屿上的动物彼此之间的攻击性会降低。就像新西兰不会飞的鸟类一样,它们可能会不再害怕陌生人,看起来几乎温顺。这一系列变化非常普遍,以至于生物学家将其称为“岛屿法则”,这是驯化综合症的一部分。迁移到孤岛的动物种群能够自我驯化吗?为了验证175这一假设,我们需要将岛屿种群与大陆种群进行比较。令人遗憾的是,微型象早已灭绝,32但一种名为倭黑猩猩的类似黑猩猩的物种或许能提供答案。

This new environment also affects behaviour. Animals on islands become less aggressive towards each other. Like the flightless birds of New Zealand, they may lose their fear of strangers and appear almost tame. This suite of changes, so prevalent that biologists have dubbed it the Island Rule, is part of the domestication syndrome. Could populations of animals that moved to isolated islands have tamed themselves? Testing 175this hypothesis requires us to compare an island population to a mainland one. Sadly, the miniature elephants died out long ago,32 but a chimpanzee-like species called bonobos may provide an answer.

一两百万年前,倭黑猩猩类似黑猩猩的祖先在刚果河以南与世隔绝。与河对岸的种群不同,这些灵长类动物拥有一个巨大的优势:没有大猩猩,因为当没有水果时,这两个物种就会争夺它们的食物——草本植物。33岛屿规则在这里适用吗?

One or two million years ago the bonobo’s chimp-like ancestor became isolated south of the Congo River. Unlike the population on the other side of the river, these primates had a tremendous advantage: a lack of gorillas, for the two species compete for the herbs that form their diet when fruit is not available.33 Could the Island Rule apply here?

与黑猩猩一样,倭黑猩猩与人类有98%的DNA共享,这使得这两种猿类成为我们现存的近亲。然而,由于栖息地偏远,直到最近人们对倭黑猩猩的了解才逐渐增多——事实证明,它们与黑猩猩截然不同,它们的头部较小,额头较高,嘴唇呈粉红色,略带色素沉着,头部和犬齿较小,面部更扁平、更开阔。34黑猩猩成年后会失去尾巴上的白色斑块,而倭黑猩猩则终生保留。35

Like chimpanzees, bonobos share 98 per cent of their DNA with humans, making these two ape species our closest living relatives. However, due to their remote habitat, little was known about bonobos until recently – and it turns out that they are quite different from chimpanzees, with smaller heads, a higher forehead, pink de-pigmented lips, smaller heads and canines and a flatter, more open face.34 The white patch on their tails that chimpanzees lose after becoming adults persists in bonobos throughout their lives.35

但驯化综合症不仅仅体现在它们的外表上。进化人类学家布莱恩·黑尔认为:“像倭黑猩猩一样,幼年黑猩猩非常宽容、平和。它们进入青春期后,就会发生变化。那么青春期的倭黑猩猩呢?什么也没有!它们不会改变。它们的玩耍程度、分享程度和性行为都保持不变。它们就像彼得·潘。” 36

But the domestication syndrome manifests in more than simply their appearance. According to the evolutionary anthropologist Brian Hare, ‘Like bonobos, juvenile chimps are very tolerant, peaceful. When they go through puberty, they change. So what happens to adolescent bonobos? Nothing! They don’t change. Their levels of play, their levels of sharing and sex, it all keeps going. They are Peter Pans.’36

与黑猩猩相比,倭黑猩猩社会中的攻击行为相对少见。37雄性主导的黑猩猩社会不同,雌性倭黑猩猩在群体中占据统治地位,其中的阿尔法雌性占据最高地位。由于雌性体力不如雄性,它们会通过合作惩罚过于激进的雄性来占据主导地位。

Compared to chimpanzees, aggression is relatively rare in bonobo society.37 Unlike male-dominated chimpanzee society, females rule in groups of bonobos, with the alpha female at the top. Since females are not as physically strong as males, they dominate by working together to punish overly aggressive males.

虽然野生雄性倭黑猩猩的攻击性远低于黑猩猩,但雌性倭黑猩猩却比176黑猩猩更具攻击性。通过合作来控制雄性行为的能力赋予了它们选择配偶的自由——而且它们倾向于选择更温和、更平和的雄性,这种偏好可能随着时间的推移创造了一个更加友好的社会。38

Though wild male bonobos are much less aggressive than chimpanzees, female bonobos are more aggressive than their 176chimpanzee counterparts. The ability to control male behaviour by working together gives them the freedom to choose their mates – and they tend to choose the gentler and more peaceful males, a preference that over time may have created a friendlier society.38

总而言之,倭黑猩猩似乎是自我驯化物种的典型代表。我读的关于它们的文章越多,就越想亲眼看看这种母系猿类社会。由于刚果距离这里较远,我决定去动物园看看。

All in all, bonobos seem to be a prime example of a self-domesticated species. The more I read about them, the more I wanted to see this matriarchal ape society for myself. Since the Congo is rather far away, I settled for a trip to the zoo.

圣地亚哥动物园自1960年以来就饲养着一群倭黑猩猩。考虑到这些动物的稀有程度,你可能会认为它们应该被放在显眼的位置展示,但它们的围栏却显得格外隐蔽。穿过大猩猩群,沿着一段没有标记的楼梯走下去,你可以选择进入鸟舍,或者沿着一条标有未识别灵长类动物轮廓的路走下去。沿着这条路走下去,倭黑猩猩就会出现在你面前。

San Diego Zoo has had a troop of bonobos since 1960. Considering the rarity of these animals, you’d think they’d be on prominent display, but their enclosure feels hidden away. Once you have passed the gorillas and made your way down an unmarked staircase you have a choice between entering the aviary or following a path marked with a sign bearing the outline of an unidentified primate. Walk down this trail and the bonobos appear before you.

虽然地处偏僻,但很少能独自一人在倭黑猩猩围栏里;圣地亚哥动物园的倭黑猩猩拥有不少铁杆粉丝。有些倭黑猩猩只有在你主动搭讪时才会透露它们对倭黑猩猩的了解,而有些则会和所有愿意倾听的人交谈。我刚到围栏时,看到一些倭黑猩猩走到了隔开它们和观赏区的厚厚的有机玻璃前。有几只看起来特别好玩,于是我请其中一位比较健谈的粉丝拍下我和它们互动的视频。“没问题!”她说,“过去,趴到它们旁边去。你的相机开着吗?”

Even though it’s off the beaten track, it’s rare to find oneself alone at the bonobo enclosure; the San Diego Zoo bonobos have a number of hardcore fans.39 Some of them only reveal their knowledge of the animals if you strike up a conversation, while others talk to all who will listen. When I first arrived at the enclosure, I saw that some of the bonobos had come up to the thick Plexiglas that separates them from the viewing area. A few seemed particularly playful, so I asked one of the more talkative fans to take a video of me interacting with them. ‘Sure!’ she said. ‘Go over and get down next to them. Is your camera on?’

令我惊讶的是,她一拿到相机,就开始发出类似猿猴的声音。厚厚的玻璃墙后面,倭黑猩猩根本听不到她的叫声和咕哝声——我只能推断,她是在鼓励我做出更明显、更明显的行为,以此来训练我和它们玩耍。而且这招奏效了。我的手势177幅度更大了,我朝倭黑猩猩咧嘴一笑,它们也朝我做了个手势。

To my astonishment, as soon as the camera was in her hands, she began to make some sort of ape noises. There was no way the bonobos could hear her hooting and grunting behind that thick glass wall – I could only conclude that she was training me to play with them by encouraging me towards more overt and demonstrable behaviour. And it worked. My gestures became 177broader and I grinned at the bonobos, and they gestured right back at me.

倭黑猩猩是圣地亚哥动物园的镇馆之宝,为什么它们这么难找呢?我琢磨着这是否和美国清教主义有关,因为倭黑猩猩的交配行为非常频繁。

The bonobos are one of the crown jewel exhibits of the San Diego Zoo, so why are they so difficult to find? I wondered whether it was anything to do with American puritanism, because bonobos have a lot of sex.

大多数哺乳动物只在可能受孕的时期对性感兴趣。然而,倭黑猩猩会将性接触用于其他非生殖目的。40当然,人类也会这样做——尽管我们对伴侣的鉴别力要强得多。倭黑猩猩的性行为则不同。任何引起两只或多只倭黑猩猩兴趣的情况,往往会以缓解潜在紧张关系的方式处理,而性交就是实现这一点的一种方式——无论是同性之间还是异性之间,以及各种姿势。41倭黑猩猩之间偶尔发生攻击的情况下,它们可能会将性接触作为一种和解的形式,或者旁观者会提供性交来安慰失败者。42

Most mammals are only interested in sex during the period when conception is possible. Bonobos, however, use sexual contact for other, non-reproductive purposes.40 Humans do this too, of course – though we are much more discriminating about our partners. Bonobo sex is different. Any situation that attracts the interest of two or more bonobos tends to be dealt with in a way that relieves possible tension, and sex is one way to accomplish this – both within and between the sexes and in a variety of positions.41 On the infrequent occasions when aggression between bonobos does occur, they may use sexual contact as a form of reconciliation, or bystanders will offer sex to console the loser.42

我在圣地亚哥动物园只目睹过一次倭黑猩猩的性互动,倭黑猩猩爱好者们热情地欢迎了这一幕,而偶然目睹这一幕的家庭则略显歇斯底里。随着天气越来越热,倭黑猩猩厌倦了玻璃另一边的人类,便躲进了围栏远端的一个小洞穴里躲避阳光。洞穴对游客来说几乎看不见,但看起来倭黑猩猩们似乎在拥抱、抚摸,甚至接吻。

I witnessed only one sexual interaction at the San Diego Zoo, which was greeted enthusiastically by the bonobo fans and with a degree of mild hysteria by the families who happened upon the scene by chance. As the day grew hotter, the bonobos became tired of the humans on the other side of the glass and sought shelter from the sun in a small cave at the far end of their enclosure. The cave was barely visible to visitors, but it looked like the bonobos were cuddling, touching and even kissing.

语言作为一种驯化力量

Language as a domesticating force

史前人类是否曾用性行为而非握手来互相问候?雌性领袖是否通过联盟的力量统治雄性?目前尚无确凿证据,而且管理雄性178攻击性问题或许存在其他方法。毕竟,人类拥有语言——这是猿类所缺乏的优势。

Did prehistoric humans once greet each other with sex instead of a handshake? Did alpha females rule over males through the power of coalitions? There is no firm evidence either way, and there are possible alternatives to the problem of managing male 178aggression. After all, humans have language – an advantage that apes lack.

查尔斯·达尔文曾因孔雀的尾巴而备受争议,因为他无法理解自然选择如何能在没有生存优势的情况下,创造出如此华丽的特征。他最终认定,雄孔雀进化出如此华丽的尾巴,一定是因为雌孔雀偏爱它们。他的第二本书《人类的由来》提出了性选择理论,认为审美特质对配偶选择至关重要。换句话说,如果雌孔雀偏爱带有更多眼状斑点的尾羽,那么雄孔雀就可能进化出越来越华丽的尾巴。

Charles Darwin was famously worried about the peacock’s tail because he couldn’t see how natural selection could have resulted in such an extravagant feature without there being a survival advantage. He eventually decided that males must have evolved such tails because female peacocks preferred them. His second book, The Descent of Man, proposed the theory of sexual selection, which posits that aesthetic qualities are important to mate choice. In other words, if female peacocks preferred tail feathers with more eyespots, then it could have led to male birds developing more and more ostentatious tails.

根据达尔文的性选择理论,女性可能通过与自己喜欢的男性交配来影响人类的自我驯化。语言的发展可能促进了这一过程,因为它提供了评估潜在伴侣的新方法。43

According to Darwin’s theory of sexual selection, women may have influenced human self-domestication by mating with men they preferred. The development of language may have assisted this process because it enables new ways to evaluate potential mates.43

如果性情温和的男性愿意帮忙照顾孩子,他们会更有吸引力。康拉德·洛伦兹不赞同我们觉得娃娃和动物可爱的倾向,因为他认为我们最初的本能是只关心自己的孩子。但如果照顾别人的孩子成为一种进化优势呢?或许,可爱反应之所以如此容易被触发,是因为照顾孩子的好处大于坏处——即使这种好处延伸到照顾动物和物品,也值得我们付出额外的精力。

Less aggressive males would have been even more attractive if they were willing to help care for children. Konrad Lorenz disapproved of our tendency to find dolls and animals cute, because he thought that our original instinct had been to care only for our own children. But what if caring for other people’s children became an evolutionary advantage? Perhaps the cuteness response is triggered so easily because the advantages of caring for children outweighed the disadvantages – and even if it spilled over to encompass animals and objects, it was worth the extra energy expended.

我们无法将早期智人的育儿方式与我们已灭绝的祖先进行比较,但我们可以观察其他灵长类动物,看看它们是如何照顾幼崽的。大多数灵长类动物的婴儿出生时看起来与成年个体不同。根据洛伦兹的儿童图式,有些婴儿还拥有一些额外的吸引人的特征,例如耳朵、脚和臀部周围亮粉色的皮肤,这让它们在人群中脱颖而出。幼年猿类越是新生儿179,就越显得可爱——至少在人类眼中是如此。但猿类也有同样的感受吗?44

We cannot compare childcare in early Homo sapiens with that of our extinct ancestors, but we can look to other primates to see how they care for their young. Most primate babies are born looking different from adults. Following Lorenz’s child schema, some have additional attractive traits, such as bright-pink skin around their ears, feet and rump that helps them stand out from the landscape. The more neonatal a young ape 179is, the cuter it appears – to human eyes at least. But do apes feel the same?44

事实上,大多数灵长类动物都对婴儿着迷——而且越小越好。社会生物学家莎拉·赫迪认为,儿童图式的神经基础在猿类身上已经存在;换句话说,它们可能也会感受到可爱。45

In fact, most primates are fascinated by babies – and the younger, the better. The social biologist Sarah Hrdy feels that the neural underpinnings of the child schema are in place in apes; in other words, they may feel cuteness, too.45

然而,无论人们是否觉得它们可爱,灵长类动物社会对婴儿的照顾方式都存在很大差异。猿类母亲的占有欲极强,众所周知,她们不会允许别人抱自己的孩子,46而黑猩猩母亲则会在婴儿出生后的最初几年里一直与婴儿保持接触。洛伦兹认为这是一种纯粹的生物性可爱反应;在他看来,黑猩猩幼崽可爱的外表和行为会激发母亲强烈的照顾冲动,以至于她无法允许任何人来帮忙。

Still, whether or not they are felt to be cute, there is a big difference in how babies are cared for in primate societies. Ape mothers are notoriously possessive and won’t allow others to hold their babies,46 and chimpanzee mothers stay in constant contact with their babies for the first few years of their lives. Lorenz would consider this to be a pure biological cuteness response; in his view, the cute appearance and behaviour of a baby chimpanzee causes such strong caregiving impulses in its mother that she is incapable of allowing anyone else to help her.

另一方面,人类母亲愿意与他人分享照顾婴儿的责任,这种能力很可能始于我们进化的早期阶段。莎拉·赫迪和其他生物学家认为,合作抚养子女,即父亲、祖父母、兄弟姐妹和其他照顾者共同参与的育儿方式,对于发展出增强的合作与协作技能至关重要,而这正是人类与其他灵长类动物的区别所在。47

Human mothers, on the other hand, are willing to share the care of their infants with others, an ability that likely started at an early stage in our evolution. Sarah Hrdy and other biologists argue that the cooperative raising of children, in which fathers, grandparents, siblings and other caregivers all play a role, was necessary to the development of the enhanced cooperative and collaborative skills that mark the difference between humans and other primates.47

为什么我们的祖先母亲会背离猿类的行为,允许其他人帮忙照顾她们珍贵的婴儿?随着类人猿变得更加聪明并开始使用工具,它们的幼崽需要更长的时间才能成熟,并且需要更多的能量来支持它们更大的大脑。共同寻找高热量食物可能会增强紧密联系群体之间的信任,并促成合作育儿的开始48——而选择攻击性较低的雄性作为配偶可能加速了这一过程。180

Why would our ancestral mothers have deviated from ape behaviour and allowed others to help take care of their precious babies? As hominids became smarter and began to use tools, their young took longer to mature and required more energy for their larger brains. Working together to find higher-calorie foods could have increased trust among close-knit groups and enabled the beginning of cooperative childcare48 – and choosing less aggressive males as mates may have accelerated the process. 180

新生婴儿可爱吗?

Are newborn babies cute?

与猿类婴儿不同,人类婴儿出生时往往不如六个月后那么可爱。49然而,母亲大脑中的化学变化——例如催产素(一种“拥抱激素”)和与泌乳有关的催乳素的增加——会使她们对新生儿产生强烈的依恋感。50这就引出了一个问题:父亲、兄弟姐妹和祖父母呢?合作育儿理论要求他们也建立依恋关系——甚至在新生儿达到可爱顶峰之前。

Unlike ape babies, human infants tend not to be as cute when they are born as they become six months later.49 However, chemical changes in mothers’ brains – such as increased oxytocin, the ‘hug hormone’, and prolactin, which is associated with milk production – cause them to feel fierce attachment towards their newborn children.50 This begs a question: what about fathers, siblings and grandparents? The theory of cooperative childcare requires them to form attachments, too – even before the newborns reach peak cuteness.

事实证明,父亲和其他与新生儿关系密切的人也会表现出催产素甚至催乳素水平升高,尽管程度低于母亲。51此外,当新手爸爸接受核磁共振扫描时,他们的大脑中与依恋、同理心和照顾等有益体验相关的区域会发生变化。52

It turns out that fathers and others in close proximity to newborns also show elevated levels of oxytocin and even prolactin, though to a lesser degree than mothers.51 In addition, when new fathers are put into an MRI scanner, their brains show changes in areas that are linked to the rewarding experiences of attachment, empathy and caretaking.52

这样,新生儿在达到可爱顶峰之前就能得到来自母亲和其他亲属的悉心照料。尽管如此,他们仍然保留了洛伦兹儿童图式中两个重要的可爱特征:圆圆的大脑袋和令人愉悦的丰满身体。

In this way, newborn babies receive the care they need from both mothers and other relatives even before they attain peak cuteness. Despite this, they have two significant cute characteristics that appear on Lorenz’s child schema: big round heads and pleasingly plump bodies.

没有其他灵长类动物的婴儿出生时像人类一样丰满,因此这种特征很可能是在我们与猿类的最后一个共同祖先之后进化而来的。53 bonny babe”(胖宝宝)的本意是指丰满健康的外表,54而P.T.巴纳姆的婴儿秀中也有“最胖”婴儿的类别;即使在今天,出生公告中也经常会显示新生儿的体重。额外的脂肪不仅有助于在出生后立即满足婴儿贪婪的大脑,还能增强婴儿在面对儿童疾病时的适应力。一旦父母注意到这一点,他们很可能会开始更喜欢胖乎乎的婴儿。

No other primate babies are as plump as humans when they are born, making it likely that this trait evolved after our last shared ancestor with apes.53 A ‘bonny babe’, in its original meaning, meant plump and healthy-looking,54 while P. T. Barnum’s baby shows had a category for the ‘fattest’ baby; even today, birth announcements often include the newborn’s weight. Extra fat helps to feed a greedy brain immediately after birth, but it also increases the baby’s resilience when faced with a childhood illness. Once parents noticed this, it’s likely they started to prefer chubbier babies.

丰满的身材是新生儿吸引成年人的少数可爱特征之一。其他特征包括圆圆的脑袋,以及181新生儿脸上一闪而过的“仙女般的微笑”,大约在四五周大的时候,它们会露出“社交性微笑” 。55

Being pleasingly plump is one of the few cute ways in which newborns can appeal to adults. Others include their round heads, as well as the fleeting ‘fairy smiles’ that flash over 181newborns’ faces before they begin directing ‘social smiles’ at around four or five weeks of age.55

然而,可爱的真正力量要到成年后才会显现。当它显现时,可爱的婴儿不仅会引发照顾行为,还会引发广泛的社交活动。例如,从大约四个月大开始,婴儿的笑声会促使催产素的释放——即使没有父母也是如此。56研究发现,五到六个月是可爱的巅峰期(尽管高水平会持续数年);在这个年龄段,婴儿开始自发地牙牙学语,这与其他可爱的特质(例如笑声)一起,会吸引积极的关注,并促使成年人开始将他们视为独立的心理因素。57

The real power of cuteness, however, doesn’t kick in until later. When it does, cute babies prompt not only caretaking behaviour, but a wide range of social engagement. For example, from around four months, infant laughter prompts the release of oxytocin – even in non-parents.56 Studies have found that five to six months is the period of peak cuteness (although high levels persist for several years); at this age babies start to babble spontaneously, which along with other cute attributes, such as laughter, attracts positive attention and prompts adults to start treating them as independent psychological agents.57

这里可能存在一个正强化循环。随着极具攻击性的成年动物逐渐被淘汰出基因库,驯化开始,更可爱的幼崽会得到更多的照顾,从而加速这一过程。如果幼崽主动寻求自身的社会化,这将有助于这个反馈循环。但它们能识别出那些想要帮助它们的人吗?

A positive reinforcement loop may have operated here. As highly aggressive adults were gradually weeded out of the gene pool and domestication began, cuter babies would have received more care, accelerating the process. If babies actively solicited their own socialisation, it would have contributed to this feedback loop. But are they able to identify someone who wants to help them?

婴儿如何展现自己的可爱

How babies deploy their own cuteness

耶鲁大学婴儿认知中心开展了一项堪称史上最可爱的实验之一,旨在探究婴儿对自身与他人关系的理解程度。他们给六个月和十个月大的婴儿展示了两段简单的戏剧。第一段戏剧中,一块红色的圆形木块,上面长着活动眼珠,试图爬上一座绿色的小山。当它爬不上去时,一块黄色的、活动眼珠的三角形木块就会出现,帮助它翻过山顶。58第二段戏剧则出现了戏剧性的转折:当红色木块挣扎着爬上山顶时,一块蓝色的方形木块突然出现在山顶,把它推回山下。

The Infant Cognition Center at Yale University has conducted what must be one of the cutest experiments ever designed, in order to investigate how much babies understand about their relations with others. They showed six- and ten-month-old babies two simple dramas. In the first, a red wooden circular block with googly eyes attempts to climb a green hill. When it fails, a yellow googly-eyed triangular block appears to help it over the crest.58 The second drama offers a dramatic twist: as the red block struggles up the hill, a blue square block suddenly appears at the top and pushes it back down the hill.

观看完这两个场景后,研究人员向婴儿们展示了一个托盘,托盘上也放着同样的黄色三角形和蓝色182正方形。几乎所有婴儿都会立即伸手去拿友好的黄色三角形,59这表明即使是婴儿也具备评估他人行为并判断谁可能帮助他们的技能。60

After watching these two scenarios, the babies were presented with a tray holding the same yellow triangle and blue 182square. Virtually all the infants immediately reached for the friendly yellow triangle,59 demonstrating that even babies are equipped with the skills to evaluate the actions of others and make decisions about who is likely to help them.60

在实验的第二部分,耶鲁大学的研究团队让红色圆圈靠近帮助它的黄色三角形或阻碍它前进的蓝色正方形。当圆圈靠近正方形时,十个月大的婴儿表现出惊讶,而六个月大的婴儿则没有。年龄较大的婴儿组能够理解其他人是有意为之的:这种变化发生在婴儿身上,伴随一系列相关的新能力,被称为“九个月革命”。61大约在这个年龄段,婴儿开始理解其他人的目标和计划可能包括他们,并且他们开始关心这些目标和计划是否实现。他们会竭尽全力提供帮助,并且很快会在他们的行为得到认可时表现出自豪,而在失败时感到尴尬。62

In a second part of the experiment, the Yale team showed the red circle approaching either the yellow triangle that helped it or the blue square that hindered its progress. When the circle approached the square, the ten-month-old babies evinced surprise, while the six-month-olds did not. The older group could understand that other people are intentional agents: a change that happens to babies in a cascade of related new abilities termed ‘the nine-month revolution’.61 At around this age babies begin to understand that others have goals and plans that may include them, and they start to care whether or not these are realised. They go out of their way to be helpful, and soon demonstrate pride when their actions are met with approval, and embarrassment when they fail.62

当孩子们可爱到极致时,这些能力就会发展出来,这绝非偶然。萨拉·赫迪写道:“人类婴儿被选为活动家和推销员,是为自己的生存谈判的代理人。” 63她确信,这是因为我们的祖先喜欢可爱的婴儿行为和外表。64随着婴儿逐渐学会利用多个照顾者,那些更善于判断谁可能帮助他们的婴儿更有可能存活到成年并繁衍后代。65然而,根据赫迪的理论,可爱影响了我们数百万年的进化,涵盖了所有人属包括尼安德特人。我们能够在不成为家养物种的情况下驯服自己吗?

It’s no accident that these abilities develop when children are at peak levels of cuteness. ‘Human infants have been selected to be activists and salesmen, agents negotiating their own survival,’ writes Sarah Hrdy.63 She is convinced that this was due to our ancestors having a preference for cute baby behaviour as well as appearance.64 As they evolved to take advantage of multiple caretakers, babies who were better at figuring out who was likely to help them were more likely to survive into adulthood and reproduce.65 However, according to Hrdy’s theory cuteness influenced our evolution over millions of years and included all of the genus Homo, including Neanderthals. Could we have tamed ourselves without becoming a domesticated species?

先有蛋

The egg came first

支持人类自我驯化假说的证据越来越多,但该假说仍未得到证实。一些科学家183反对驯化综合征的存在,因为它在不同物种中的作用并不一致。66一些人则质疑神经嵴在使物种驯化方面的作用,67或者认为攻击性的控制和社会情感的出现源于其他来源,例如群体音乐创作。68

Evidence is mounting for the human self-domestication hypothesis, but it remains unproven. Some scientists argue 183against the very existence of the domestication syndrome because it operates inconsistently across species.66 Others question the operation of the neural crest in making species tame,67 or propose that control of aggression and the advent of social emotions derived from another source, such as communal music-making.68

可爱可能通过两种途径塑造了我们人类:女性偏爱更冷静、更宽容的伴侣,或者许多育儿者都倾向于选择更可爱、更善于社交的婴儿。这两种途径都考虑了可爱、亲和的行为以及外貌。语言学家斯蒂芬·莱文森提出,这两个过程很可能是同时进行的,他将这种双重作用称为“可爱选择” 。69

There are two paths by which cuteness may have made us human: through a female preference for calmer, more tolerant mates or through a proclivity shared by many child caretakers for cuter, more social babies. Both paths take cute, affiliative behaviour into account as well as appearance. The linguist Stephen Levinson proposes that these two processes may well have operated in tandem, a dual operation that he calls ‘cuteness selection’.69

自我驯化假说认为,人类在进化成智人的过程中开始变得温顺。然而,莱文森认为,即使没有经过驯化,我们幼态持续的外表和共情天性也可能通过对可爱的选择而发展,尽管这经历了更长的时间。他认为,对可爱、友好和合作的偏好,使我们成为了能够本能地理解他人意图的“读心者”,而这正是后来语言得以诞生的原因。70

The self-domestication hypothesis suggests that we started to become tame as we evolved into Homo sapiens. Levinson, however, believes that our neotenous appearance and empathic nature may have developed through cuteness selection even without domestication, although over a much longer timescale. He proposes that a preference for the adorable, for the friendly and cooperative, made us ‘mind-readers’ who could reflexively grasp others’ intentions, and that this is what made language possible down the road.70

之前,我提出了一个“先有鸡还是先有蛋”的难题:我们是因为温顺才可爱,还是因为可爱才温顺?即使我们不像鸡那样被驯化,我认为我们已经解开了这个谜。无论这种进化是漫长而缓慢的弧线,还是相对快速的级联,无论是通过适应还是自然选择,我相信我们始终选择与更开放、好奇、更善于社交的个体相处——这些特质越来越多地通过年轻、幼态的外表体现出来。就这样,我们对可爱及其相关特质的偏好引导着我们的进化。先有蛋。

Earlier, I posed a chicken-versus-egg conundrum by asking if we are cute because we’re tame, or tame because we’re cute? Even if we are not domesticated like the chicken, I think we’ve solved the puzzle. Whether it took the form of a long, slow arc or a relatively quick cascade, whether by adaptation or selection, I believe we consistently chose to be around the more open, curious, social individuals among us – traits increasingly signalled by a youthful, neotenous appearance. In this way, our evolution was guided by a preference for cuteness and its associated qualities. The egg came first.

笔记

Notes

1 Erica Kanesaka,《Kawaii 全球化与亚裔美国人:一段亲密的历史》,载于《Kawaii:日本女孩文化中可爱的出现和演变》(纽约:日本基金会,2022 年 7 月),www.youtube.com/ watch?v=c8s_ZvM1om0 。

1 Erica Kanesaka, ‘Kawaii Globalization & Asian America: An Intimate History’, in Kawaii: The Emergence and Evolution of Cuteness in Japanese Girls’ Culture (New York: The Japan Foundation, July 2022), www.youtube.com/watch?v=c8s_ZvM1om0.

2 Gould,《向米老鼠的生物学致敬》,第 101 页。

2 Gould, ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’, p. 101.

3 Bradshaw,《狗的感觉》,第 57 页。

3 Bradshaw, Dog Sense, p. 57.

4同上,第 76 页。

4 Ibid., p. 76.

5 Gould,个体发育和系统发育,第 350 页。

5 Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny, p. 350.

6 Šimić 等人,《自我驯化的分子、机制和障碍》,第 13 页,dx.doi.org/10.3390/biom11010002。

6 Šimić et al., ‘Molecules, Mechanisms, and Disorders of Self-Domestication’, p. 13, dx.doi.org/10.3390/biom11010002.

7 Barbara Schweder,回应 Doug Jones 等人的文章“性选择、外貌吸引力和面部幼态持续:跨文化证据和含义”,当代人类学36,5(1995 年 12 月),第 741 页。

7 Barbara Schweder, response to Doug Jones et al., ‘Sexual Selection, Physical Attractiveness, and Facial Neoteny: Cross-Cultural Evidence and Implications’, Current Anthropology 36, 5 (December 1995), p. 741.

8 M. Kuhlwilm 等人,“古代基因从早期现代人类流入东部尼安德特人”,《自然》 530(2016 年),第 429-33 页,doi.org/10.1038/nature16544。

8 M. Kuhlwilm et al., ‘Ancient gene flow from early modern humans into Eastern Neanderthals’, Nature 530 (2016), pp. 429–33, doi.org/10.1038/nature16544.

9 Matteo Zanella 等人,“7q11.23 Williams 区域的剂量分析确定 BAZ1B 是决定现代人​​类面部形态和自我驯化基础的主要人类基因”,Science Advances 5, 12(2019 年 12 月 4 日),第 7 页,doi:10.1126/sciadv.aaw7908。

9 Matteo Zanella et al., ‘Dosage analysis of the 7q11.23 Williams region identifies BAZ1B as a major human gene patterning the modern human face and underlying self-domestication’, Science Advances 5, 12 (4 December 2019), p. 7, doi:10.1126/sciadv.aaw7908.

10 Constantina Theofanopoulou 等人,《智人的自我驯化:从比较基因组学角度的见解》,PLoS ONE 12,10,e0185306 (2017),第 3 页,doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0185306。

10 Constantina Theofanopoulou et al., ‘Self-domestication in Homo sapiens: Insights from comparative genomics’, PLoS ONE 12, 10, e0185306 (2017), p. 3, doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0185306.

11 Boria Sax,“什么是‘犹太狗’?康拉德·洛伦兹与野性崇拜”,《社会与动物》 5, 1 (1997), 第18页。Peter Klopfer 写道,洛伦兹“将骄傲和美丽与雅利安人的理想联系起来,将低劣与城市犹太人、吉普赛人和其他颓废的驯化产物联系起来,这种联系在战争期间的手稿或信件中反复出现”。Peter Klopfer,“康拉德·洛伦兹与国家社会主义者:论动物行为学的政治”,《国际比较心理学杂志》 7, 4 (1994), 第205页。虽然洛伦兹对堕落和优生学的痴迷可能早于纳粹,但将这些思想与国家社会主义的“种族卫生”平台结合起来,使洛伦兹获得了更高的声望和更大的舞台。西奥多拉237·J·卡利科夫,《康拉德·洛伦兹的行为学理论:解释与意识形态,1938–1943》,《生物学史杂志》 16,1(1983 年春季),第 56 页。

11 Boria Sax, ‘What is a “Jewish Dog”? Konrad Lorenz and the Cult of Wildness’, Society and Animals 5, 1 (1997), p. 18. Peter Klopfer writes that Lorenz’s ‘association of the proud and the beautiful with Aryan ideals and the inferior with urban Jews and gypsies and other decadent products of domestication are repeatedly voiced in manuscripts or letters’ during the war. Peter Klopfer, ‘Konrad Lorenz and the National Socialists: On the Politics of Ethology’, International Journal of Comparative Psychology 7, 4 (1994), p. 205. Though Lorenz’s obsession with degeneration and eugenics may have pre-dated the Nazis, harnessing these ideas to the National Socialist platform of ‘racial hygiene’ gave Lorenz higher prestige and a bigger stage. Theodora 237J. Kalikow, ‘Konrad Lorenz’s Ethological Theory: Explanation and Ideology, 1938–1943’, Journal of the History of Biology 16, 1 (Spring 1983), p. 56.

12克洛普弗,《康拉德·洛伦茨和国家社会主义者》,第 12 页。 204.

12 Klopfer, ‘Konrad Lorenz and the National Socialists’, p. 204.

13当我刚开始与其他学者合作研究“可爱”时,我的欧洲同事很快就注意到了洛伦兹与纳粹的联系。他们指的是洛伦兹在战争期间用德语发表的两篇文章。但战后出版的洛伦兹著作的英文译本却被彻底删除,这也解释了为什么只有我的德语同事才知道他的种族主义思想。

13 When I first began to work with other scholars to study cuteness, my European colleagues were quick to note Lorenz’s connection with the Nazis. They were referring to two articles he published in German during the war. But the English translations of Lorenz’s work that appeared after the war are scrubbed clean, which explains why only my German-speaking colleagues had known about his racist ideas.

14 Helen M. Leach,《选择和驯化带来的不可预见的后果》,载 Rebecca Cassidy 和 Molly H. Mullin 编辑,《野生动物的现状:对驯化问题的再思考》(伦敦:布鲁姆斯伯里出版社,2007 年),第 93-4 页。

14 Helen M. Leach, ‘Selection and the Unforeseen Consequences of Domestication’, in Rebecca Cassidy and Molly H. Mullin, eds, Where the Wild Things Are Now: Domestication Reconsidered (London: Bloomsbury, 2007), pp. 93–4.

15 Kalikow,《康拉德·洛伦兹的行为学理论:解释与意识形态,1938–1943》,第47-48页。另请参阅Sax,《什么是“犹太狗”?》,第15页。

15 Kalikow, ‘Konrad Lorenz’s Ethological Theory: Explanation and Ideology, 1938–1943’, pp. 47–8. See also Sax, ‘What is a “Jewish Dog”?’, p. 15.

16 Lorenz,《动物和人类行为研究》,第 2 卷,第 164-165 页。

16 Lorenz, Studies in Animal and Human Behavior, Vol. 2, pp. 164–5.

17同上,第 154、166 页。

17 Ibid., pp. 154, 166.

18 Daniel S. Lehrman,《先天与后天问题中的语义和概念问题》,《行为的发展与演化》,Lester R. Aronson 等编(旧金山:WH Freeman and Co.,1970 年),第 17-52 页。另请参阅 R.A. Hinde,《动物行为:动物行为学与比较心理学的综合》(纽约:麦格劳-希尔,1966 年);以及 R.A. Hinde,《动物行为学:其性质及其与其他科学的关系》(牛津:牛津大学出版社,1982 年)。

18 Daniel S. Lehrman, ‘Semantic and Conceptual Issues in the Nature–Nurture Problem’, Development and Evolution of Behavior, ed. Lester R. Aronson et al. (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman and Co., 1970), pp. 17–52. See also R. A. Hinde, Animal Behavior: A synthesis of ethology and comparative psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966); and R. A. Hinde, Ethology: Its nature and relations with other sciences (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982).

19 Lorenz,《动物和人类行为研究》,第 2 卷,第 341 页,注 38。

19 Lorenz, Studies in Animal and Human Behavior, Vol. 2, p. 341 n.38.

20同上,第 154 页。

20 Ibid., p. 154.

21 Wrangham,《善良悖论》,第 19 页。

21 Wrangham, The Goodness Paradox, p. 19.

22同上,第 128-141 页。

22 Ibid., pp. 128–41.

23 Frans de Waal,《动物能教会我们什么政治知识》,《卫报》(2019 年 3 月 12 日)。

23 Frans de Waal, ‘What animals can teach us about politics’, Guardian (12 March 2019).

24同上。

24 Ibid.

25 Wrangham,《善良悖论》,第 215 页。

25 Wrangham, The Goodness Paradox, p. 215.

26同上,第 139 页。

26 Ibid., p. 139.

27 Frans de Waal,《倭黑猩猩与无神论者:在灵长类动物中寻找人文主义》(纽约:WW Norton & Co.,2013 年),第 14 页。238

27 Frans de Waal, The Bonobo and the Atheist: In Search of Humanism Among the Primates (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2013), p. 14. 238

28 Robert M. Sapolsky,《灵长类动物回忆录:东非的爱、死亡和狒狒》(伦敦:兰登书屋,2002 年),第 15 页。

28 Robert M. Sapolsky, A Primate’s Memoir: Love, Death and Baboons in East Africa (London: Random House, 2002), p. 15.

29 Robert M. Sapolsky 和 ​​Lisa J. Share,《野生狒狒的太平洋文化:它的出现和传播》,PLoS Biology 2,4(2004 年 4 月),第 0534 页。

29 Robert M. Sapolsky and Lisa J. Share, ‘A Pacific Culture among Wild Baboons: Its Emergence and Transmission’, PLoS Biology 2, 4 (April 2004), p. 0534.

30同上,第 0535-7 页。

30 Ibid., pp. 0535–7.

31同上。

31 Ibid.

32现代大象是自我驯化的吗?它们有耷拉着的耳朵,达尔文发现,每种驯化物种至少有一部分个体有这种特征。查尔斯·达尔文,《家养动物和植物》,第二卷(伦敦:约翰·默里,1868年),第301页。亚洲象个体很容易驯服,有些象的皮肤上有浅色斑点,这可能是神经嵴细胞迁移减少的结果。兰厄姆,《善良悖论》,第298页,注5。然而,要回答这个问题,我们需要将现代大象的行为与它们的直系祖先进​​行比较,看看它们是否不那么具有攻击性。不幸的是,这些祖先已经灭绝了。

32 Did modern elephants domesticate themselves? They have floppy ears, which Darwin found to appear in at least some individuals of every domesticated species. Charles Darwin, Animals and Plants Under Domestication, Vol. 2 (London: John Murray, 1868), p. 301. Individual Asian elephants are easily tamed, and some have pale mottling on their skin that may be a result of reduced neural-crest cell migration. Wrangham, The Goodness Paradox, p. 298 n.5. However, to answer this question we would need to compare the behaviour of modern elephants with their direct ancestor to see if they are less aggressive. Unfortunately these ancestors are extinct.

33 Hare 和 Woods,《狗的天才》,第 106 页。

33 Hare and Woods, The Genius of Dogs, p. 106.

34 Frans de Waal,《倭黑猩猩的性与社会》,《科学美国人》(2006 年 6 月 1 日),www.scientificamerican.com/ article/bonobo-sex-and-society-2006-06/(2022 年 10 月 25 日访问)。

34 Frans de Waal, ‘Bonobo Sex and Society’, Scientific American (1 June 2006), www.scientificamerican.com/article/bonobo-sex-and-society-2006-06/ (accessed 25 October 2022).

35 Brian Hare 等人,《自我驯化假说:倭黑猩猩心理的进化是由于对抗攻击性的选择》,《动物行为》 83,3(2012 年 3 月),第 577 页。

35 Brian Hare et al., ‘The Self-Domestication Hypothesis: Evolution of Bonobo Psychology is Due to Selection Against Aggression’, Animal Behaviour 83, 3 (March 2012), p. 577.

36布莱恩·黑尔在克劳迪娅·德雷弗斯的《倭黑猩猩为何不自相残杀:与布莱恩·黑尔的对话》一文中写道,《纽约时报》(2010 年 7 月 6 日)。

36 Brian Hare in Claudia Dreifus, ‘Why bonobos don’t kill each other: A conversation with Brian Hare’, The New York Times (6 July 2010).

37 Hare 等人,《自我驯化假说》,第 576-7 页。

37 Hare et al., ‘The Self-Domestication Hypothesis’, pp. 576–7.

38 Hare 和 Woods,《友善生存》 ,第 47 页。另请参阅 M. Surbeck 等人,《倭黑猩猩(Pan paniscus)的配偶竞争、睾酮和两性关系》 , 《动物行为》(2012 年),doi:10.1016/j.anbehav.2011.12.010。

38 Hare and Woods, Survival of the Friendliest, p. 47. See also M. Surbeck et al., ‘Mate competition, testosterone and intersexual relationships in bonobos, Pan paniscus’, Animal Behaviour (2012), doi:10.1016/j. anbehav.2011.12.010.

39 Jeannette DeWyze,《圣地亚哥动物园的稀有倭黑猩猩,以及动物园曾经被遗忘的猿猴的超级粉丝》,《圣地亚哥读者》 (2017 年 6 月 7 日)。

39 Jeannette DeWyze, ‘San Diego Zoo’s Rare Bonobos, and the Superfans Devoted to the Zoo’s Once Forgotten Apes’, San Diego Reader (7 June 2017).

40 Richard O. Prum,《美的进化:达尔文被遗忘的择偶理论如何塑造动物世界以及我们》(纽约:Anchor Books,2017 年),第 231-232 页。

40 Richard O. Prum, The Evolution of Beauty: How Darwin’s Forgotten Theory of Mate Choice Shapes the Animal World – and Us (New York: Anchor Books, 2017), pp. 231–2.

41德瓦尔,《倭黑猩猩性与社会》。239

41 de Waal, ‘Bonobo Sex and Society’. 239

42 Zanna Clay 和 Frans de Waal,《性与冲突:倭黑猩猩冲突后的性接触》,《行为》 152,3–4(2015 年 2 月 10 日),第 16 页。

42 Zanna Clay and Frans de Waal, ‘Sex and strife: Post-conflict sexual contacts in bonobos’, Behaviour 152, 3–4 (10 February 2015), p. 16.

43 Prum,《美的进化》,第 242-243 页。

43 Prum, The Evolution of Beauty, pp. 242–3.

44 Sarah Blaffer Hrdy,《母亲与他人:相互理解的进化起源》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,2009年),第222页。另请参阅Sarah Blaffer Hrdy,《大自然:母性本能及其如何塑造人类》(纽约:Ballantine Books,1999年),第446、449页。

44 Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), p. 222. See also Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, Mother Nature: Maternal Instincts and How They Shape The Human Species (New York: Ballantine Books, 1999), pp. 446, 449.

45 Hrdy,《母亲与其他人》,第 229、233–4 页。

45 Hrdy, Mothers and Others, pp. 229, 233–4.

46同上,第 233-235 页。

46 Ibid., pp. 233–5.

47梅尔文·康纳(Melvin Konner),《毕竟是女人:性、进化和男性至上主义的终结》(纽约:WW Norton & Co.,2015 年),第 132 页。

47 Melvin Konner, Women after all: Sex, evolution and the end of male supremacy (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2015), p. 132.

48 Sarah Blaffer Hrdy 和 Judith M. Burkart,《情感现代人类的出现:对语言和学习的影响》,《皇家学会哲学学报 B》,375,20190499 (2020),第 1-2 页,dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0499。

48 Sarah Blaffer Hrdy and Judith M. Burkart, ‘The emergence of emotionally modern humans: Implications for language and learning’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 375, 20190499 (2020), pp. 1–2, dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0499.

49 Sherman 和 Haidt,《可爱与厌恶》,第 4 页。

49 Sherman and Haidt, ‘Cuteness and Disgust’, p. 4.

50 Hrdy,《母亲与其他人》,第 168-169 页。

50 Hrdy, Mothers and Others, pp. 168–9.

51同上,第 169 页。

51 Ibid., p. 169.

52 Pilyoung Kim 等人,《人类婴儿父亲的神经可塑性》,神经科学学会9, 5(2014 年 10 月),doi:10.1080/17470919.201 4.933713。

52 Pilyoung Kim et al., ‘Neural Plasticity in Fathers of Human Infants’, Society for Neuroscience 9, 5 (October 2014), doi:10.1080/17470919.201 4.933713.

53 Hrdy,《大自然》,第 477 页。

53 Hrdy, Mother Nature, p. 477.

54同上,第 481 页。

54 Ibid., p. 481.

55同上,第 470、483 页。

55 Ibid., pp. 470, 483.

56 Eloise Stark 等人,《人类育儿神经生物学》,《育儿手册》第 2 卷,《育儿生物学和生态学》,第 3 版(伦敦:劳特利奇,2019 年),第 251、263 页。另请参阅 ML Kringelbach 等人,《论可爱:解锁父母大脑及其他》,《认知科学趋势》第 20 卷,第 7 期(2016 年 7 月),doi:10.1016/j.tics.2016.05.003。

56 Eloise Stark et al., ‘Neurobiology of Human Parenting’, Handbook of Parenting, Vol. 2, Biology and Ecology of Parenting, 3rd edition (London: Routledge, 2019), pp. 251, 263. See also M. L. Kringelbach et al., ‘On Cuteness: Unlocking the Parental Brain and Beyond’, Trends in Cognitive Sciences 20, 7 (July 2016), doi:10.1016/j.tics.2016.05.003.

57 Sherman 和 Haidt,《可爱与厌恶》。另请参阅 Hrdy 和 Burkart,《情感现代人类的出现》。

57 Sherman and Haidt, ‘Cuteness and Disgust’. See also Hrdy and Burkart, ‘The emergence of emotionally modern humans’.

58这些社交判断能力在移除活动眼珠后就消失了。“研究:婴儿能够判断好坏”,哥伦比亚广播公司新闻(2007年11月21日),www.cbsnews.com/ news/study-infants-can-judge-naughty-from-nice/ (2022年10月27日访问)。

58 These social judging skills vanished when the googly eyes were removed. ‘Study: Infants can judge naughty from nice’, CBS News (21 November 2007), www.cbsnews.com/news/study-infants-can-judge-naughty-from-nice/ (accessed 27 October 2022).

59 J. Kiley Hamlin 等人,《前语言婴儿的社会评价》,《自然》 450,22(2007 年 11 月),第 557 页。240

59 J. Kiley Hamlin et al., ‘Social evaluation by preverbal infants’, Nature 450, 22 (November 2007), p. 557. 240

60虽然这部迷你剧中的人物并不是拟人化的,但剧中用带有大片白色区域的凸出的眼睛来表示正在进行社交互动。

60 The googly eyes, with large white areas, were used to indicate that a social interaction was taking place, even though the characters in the mini-drama were not anthropomorphic.

61 Michael Tomasello,《人类认知的文化起源》(波士顿:哈佛大学出版社,1999 年),第 61 页。

61 Michael Tomasello, The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition (Boston: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 61.

62 Hrdy,《母亲与其他人》,第 117 页。另请参阅 Hrdy 和 Burkart,《情感现代人类的出现》,第 4 页。

62 Hrdy, Mothers and Others, p. 117. See also Hrdy and Burkart, ‘The emergence of emotionally modern humans’, p. 4.

63 Hrdy,《大自然》,第 484 页。

63 Hrdy, Mother Nature, p. 484.

64同上。

64 Ibid.

65 Hrdy,《母亲与其他人》,第 117 页。

65 Hrdy, Mothers and Others, p. 117.

66 Kathryn A. Lord 等人,《农场狐狸的历史破坏了动物驯化综合症》,《生态与进化趋势》(2019 年),doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2019.10.011。

66 Kathryn A. Lord et al., ‘The History of Farm Foxes Undermines the Animal Domestication Syndrome’, Trends in Ecology & Evolution (2019), doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2019.10.011.

67 Martin Johnsson 等人,“神经嵴细胞假说:驯化没有统一的解释”,遗传学26, 219, 1, iyab097(2021 年 8 月),doi:10.1093/genetics/iyab097。

67 Martin Johnsson et al., ‘The neural crest cell hypothesis: no unified explanation for domestication’, Genetics 26, 219, 1, iyab097 (Aug 2021), doi:10.1093/genetics/iyab097.

68 Dor Shilton 等人,《人类社会进化:自我驯化还是自我控制?》,载 Antonio Benítez-Burraco、Vera Kempe 和 Zanna Clay 编,《自我驯化与人类进化》(洛桑:Fronteris Media SA,2020 年),doi:10.3389/978-2-88966-093-3。

68 Dor Shilton et al., ‘Human Social Evolution: Self-Domestication or Self-Control?’, in Antonio Benítez-Burraco, Vera Kempe and Zanna Clay, eds, Self-Domestication and Human Evolution (Lausanne: Fronteris Media SA, 2020), doi:10.3389/978-2-88966-093-3.

69 Stephen C. Levinson,《互动引擎:可爱选择和语言互动基础的演变》, 《皇家学会哲学学报 B》,377,20210108 (2022),doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2021.0108。

69 Stephen C. Levinson, ‘The interaction engine: Cuteness selection and the evolution of the interactional base for language’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 377, 20210108 (2022), doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2021.0108.

70同上,第 3-6 页。

70 Ibid., pp. 3–6.

既然我们已经了解了可爱在塑造人类这一物种方面的重要性,那么让我们从遥远的过去转向不远的未来,探讨它如何影响新技术和新社区的潜力。可爱只是昙花一现的潮流,还是会产生持久的影响?

Now that we’ve seen the importance of cuteness in making us who we are as a species, let’s turn from the distant past to the near future and examine how it might influence the potential of new technologies and communities. Is cuteness just a passing trend or will it have a lasting influence?

据我们了解,米老鼠随着时间的推移变得越来越可爱、越来越年轻,这与人类从灵长类祖先进化而来的过程如出一辙。然而,变年轻的并非只有米老鼠。研究人员采用史蒂芬·杰伊·古尔德(Stephen Jay Gould)的颅面比例测量方法,发现在1932年至2016年间,约有230个北美卡通人物经历了相同的年轻化过程,这与洛伦兹的儿童图式相符。1 185

As we have learned, the evolution of Mickey Mouse to become cuter and more youthful over time mirrors the path that humans took as we evolved from our primate ancestors. However, it’s not only Mickey who became younger. Following Stephen Jay Gould’s method of measuring craniofacial ratios, researchers have shown that between 1932 and 2016 some 230 North American cartoon characters underwent the same process of juvenilisation, matching Lorenz’s child schema.1 185

在此期间,儿童成为追求利润的公司的一大目标人群,随着时间的推移,公司逐渐了解了哪些设计能够吸引这些新受众。随着这些孩子长大,他们不愿放弃自己童年时喜爱的角色,怀旧市场蓬勃发展。2镶满宝石Hello Kitty 玩偶和米老鼠劳力士手表并非专为儿童设计。世界各地的粉丝大会让成年人得以庆祝他们对超级英雄、电子游戏和动画的持续热爱,而这些曾经被认为是幼稚的消遣。

Children became a target demographic for profit-seeking corporations during this period, and over time companies learned what designs appealed to this new audience. Then the nostalgia market boomed as these children grew up and didn’t want to let go of their favourite childhood characters.2 Jewel-encrusted Hello Kitty figures and Mickey Mouse Rolex watches weren’t made for children. Fan conventions around the world allow adults to celebrate their continuing love of superheroes, video games and animation, once considered childish pastimes.

可爱的力量

The power of cute

稳定的工作、婚姻和孩子是成年的传统标志,但对许多人来说,这种情况正在改变。在这个全球化时代,工作变得岌岌可危,而随着越来越多的成年人寻求延长青春年华,结婚生子也常常被推迟或延后。随着儿童和成人之间的界限变得模糊,这些愿望也反映在周围的文化中。如今,不仅外表年轻,行为举止也年轻,这已成为一种时尚,因为与中年停滞不前的成年人更倾向于思维灵活、活力四射的玩乐精神。3大学生穿着睡衣去上课,老年人计划集体去迪士尼乐园旅行。“如何在旅行中快速结交朋友?” 《纽约时报》先提问,然后建议:“试试打匹克球”——这是我在学校时记得的游戏。4

A steady job, marriage and children are some of the traditional markers of adulthood, but for many people this is changing. Jobs are precarious in this era of globalisation, while getting married and starting a family are often postponed or deferred as more and more adults seek to prolong their youth. These desires are reflected in the surrounding culture as the boundaries between children and adults become blurred. It has become fashionable not only to look youthful but to act that way, as adults fighting against middle-aged stagnation embrace mental flexibility and energetic playfulness.3 College students wear pyjamas to class, and senior citizens plan group trips to Disney World. ‘How to make fast friends while traveling?’ The New York Times asks, before advising, ‘Try playing pickleball’ – a game that I remember from school.4

可爱似乎也以其他方式在成人世界中展现出来。最近我回家乡西雅图旅行时,惊讶地发现,在我离开期间,一些无生命的物体似乎活了过来。酒店水槽下方的一个天鹅绒袋子上贴着标签:“嘘!吹风机正在休眠。” 酒店外面,共享汽车停车场的标志牌上写着:“Zipcar 住在这里。” 一列火车进站时,会显示:“车门在我右边打开186。” 这种将物品视为值得同情的意识主体的趋势对我来说并不陌生——这在日本是一个悠久的传统。现在,它似乎正在蔓延到美国。

Cuteness seems to be showing up in the adult world in other ways, too. On a recent trip to Seattle, my home town, I was surprised to find that inanimate objects seemed to have come to life while I was away. In my hotel a velvet bag below the sink was labelled: ‘Shh! The hairdryer is sleeping.’ Outside, the sign for a share-car parking lot read, ‘Zipcars live here.’ A train pulling into a station stated, ‘The doors will open on my 186right.’ This trend to treat objects as conscious agents deserving of empathy was familiar to me – it’s a long-standing tradition in Japan. Now it seemed to be spreading to the US.

和可爱一样,拟人化也是一种文化潮流,如果我们没有能力将物体或其他生物视为具有思考能力甚至激发同理心的事物,这种潮流就不会存在。在世界各地,可爱与不成熟联系在一起,但也与某种可塑性联系在一起。年幼的孩子很可爱:他们以后会变成什么样子尚不明确。而这种不成熟的可塑性本身就具有某种力量。由于人类需要更长的时间才能成熟,我们保留了年轻人的适应能力,并能够在一生中学习新事物。

Like cuteness, anthropomorphism is a cultural trend that wouldn’t have existed in the first place if we hadn’t had the ability to see objects, or other creatures, as capable of thinking and even inspiring empathy. All around the world, cuteness is associated with immaturity, but also with a kind of plasticity. Young children are cute: what they will become later in life is unclear. And the plasticity of immaturity has a kind of strength. Because humans take so much longer to mature, we retain the adaptability of youth and are able to learn new things throughout our lives.

由于可爱与这些青春特质联系在一起,这似乎可以成为成年人展现自身在动荡经济环境下依然拥有成功潜能的有效方式。然而,可爱的事物往往体型娇小、缺乏威胁、幼稚且脆弱。当成年人拥抱可爱时,他们可能会被指责退回到幼稚状态。5

Since cuteness is associated with these youthful qualities, it seems as if it could be an effective way for adults to signal that they still have what it takes to succeed in a precarious economy. However, cute objects tend to be small, unthreatening, neotenous and vulnerable. When adults embrace cuteness, they risk being accused of regressing to an infantile state.5

太可爱了!”

That’s so baby!’

粉丝聚会上经常有人装扮成自己喜爱的虚构角色,以至于“cosplay”(由“costume”(服装)和“play”(游戏)组合而成)一词最初源于日本,如今已在世界各地广泛使用。然而,那些自称“兽迷”的年轻人却从头到脚穿着与特定角色无关的动物服装。这些服装并非与任何媒体系列相关,而是独具个性,而且非常可爱。

Fan conventions often include people who dress up as their favourite fictional characters, so much so that the word ‘cosplay’ – a portmanteau of ‘costume’ and ‘play’, first employed in Japan – is now used worldwide. The young people who call themselves ‘furries’, however, dress up in head-to-toe animal costumes that are not connected to any particular character. Rather than being associated with a media franchise, these costumes are uniquely individual – and very cute.

兽迷在媒体上名声不佳,几乎总是被描绘成幼稚或怪异的性癖好者,对皮毛有着特殊的癖好。然而,我对这些报道始终持保留态度,因为我的表妹莎拉187从十三岁起就成了兽迷。她之所以成为兽迷,是因为她对动物和艺术的热爱,而不是性癖好。

Furries get a bad rap in the media, where they are nearly always portrayed as either childish or as weird sexual fetishists with a kink for fur. I always took these latter reports with a pinch of salt, however, because my cousin Sarah has been a 187furry since she was thirteen years old. It was her love of animals and art, rather than a sexual kink, that led her to the fandom.

我的表妹决定制作和设计全身动物服装“兽装”(fursuits),于是她和七位兽装艺术家朋友搬到了辛辛那提郊区。我决定在他们前往匹兹堡参加一个大型兽装展览会“Anthrocon”之前去拜访他们。

When my cousin decided to make and design the full-body animal costumes called ‘fursuits’, she moved to the suburbs of Cincinnati with seven fellow furry artists. I decided to visit them just before they headed to Pittsburgh for a major furry convention called Anthrocon.

我来到莎拉家,发现墙上挂满了兽皮艺术品,客厅里还挂着一张动漫人物的纸板剪影。屋里到处都是鱼缸和豚鼠笼。地下室工作室的墙上摆满了各种颜色的兽皮架子,摆放着缝纫机的工作站和摆满绘画和手工用品的桌子交错排列。天花板上悬挂着各种制作阶段的兽皮套装。

I arrived at Sarah’s house to find furry art on the walls and a cardboard cutout of an anime character in the living room. There were fish tanks and guinea-pig cages everywhere. In the basement workroom, racks of different-coloured fur lined the walls, and workstations with sewing machines alternated with desks covered in drawing and crafting supplies. Fursuits in various stages of construction hung from the ceiling.

我花了几个下午的时间,和表妹以及她的朋友们聊她们的萌化世界。由于我和艺术家们聊天,所以她们的创作源于艺术作品也就不足为奇了。她们最初是在社交媒体上结识这些粉丝的,在那里她们欣赏拟人化的艺术作品,并开始关注创作这些作品的艺术家。在网上,每个人都会取一个新名字——我的表妹叫米尔基(Milky)——然后创作一个“兽设”(fursona),一个拟人化的动物形象,象征着她们的自我。

I spent a few afternoons chatting with my cousin and her friends about their cutified world. Since I was talking to artists, it wasn’t surprising that their engagement had originated with artwork. They first encountered the fandom on social media, where they looked at anthropomorphic art and began following the artists who produced it. Online everyone takes another name – my cousin is known as Milky – and creates a ‘fursona’, an anthropomorphic animal representation of the self.

兽设几乎可以是任何动物,例如狗、狐狸或两者的混合体。几乎所有兽迷都拥有一个或多个兽设,大多数兽迷会聘请艺术家绘制他们的兽设的二维图纸,以便用作在线个人资料图片或作为在兽展上佩戴的徽章。6莎拉和她的朋友们开始在兽展上见面时,她们通过徽章上的图像互相认出,并用兽设名称互相称呼。

A fursona could be almost any animal, such as a dog, a fox or a hybrid of the two. Nearly all furries have one or more, and most hire an artist to produce a 2D drawing of their fursona, which they can use as an online profile picture or as a badge to wear at conventions.6 When Sarah and her friends began to meet in person at conventions, they recognised each other by the images on their badges and called each other by their fursona names.

我很好奇兽设是如何被选定的,于是向莎拉和她的朋友们询问。结果发现,大多数兽迷的兽设并非以某个既定角色、某个著名动物甚至宠物为原型。它们往往源自内心,是188个人的创作。虽然大多数兽迷承认自己与兽设有着共同的特征,但通常不会感觉自己是被困在人类躯壳里的动物。7

I was curious about how fursonas were chosen, so I asked Sarah and her friends about them. It turns out that most furries don’t base their fursonas on an established character, a famous animal or even a pet. They tend to come from inside, an act of 188individual creation. And although most furries acknowledge that they share characteristics with their fursona, they generally do not feel like an animal trapped in a human body.7

无论兽迷们是自制还是购买兽装,他们的大部分内容都是自己创作的,而非媒体集团的成果。25% 的兽迷自认为是艺术家或作家,这意味着有各种各样的设计师可以为兽装注入活力。8许多兽装必须定制,售价高达数千美元9 ——这导致了经济分析师森永卓郎 (Takurō Morinaga) 所说的“区块经济”现象。

Whether furries make or buy their costumes, most of their content is created by furries themselves rather than by media conglomerates. Twenty-five per cent of furries identify as artists or writers, which means that a wide variety of designers are available to bring fursonas to life.8 Many fursuits, which must be custom-made, cost as much as a few thousand dollars9 – which leads to a phenomenon that the economic analyst Takurō Morinaga calls a ‘block economy’.

在东京秋叶原附近,许多小商店和娱乐场所都服务于被称为“御宅族”的动漫死忠粉丝。这些小型供应商通常由这些粉丝经营,他们源源不断地生产新产品,同时用利润来满足自己对相关产品的痴迷。森永认为:“资金在一个狭窄封闭的市场中四处流通,实际上没有人真正获利。” 他继续说道:“如果不赚钱,人们为什么要生产东西呢?答案是热爱。生产者是御宅族,他们希望为其他欣赏他们作品的御宅族生产产品。他们追求的是自己热爱的东西。” 10

In the Tokyo neighbourhood of Akihabara many small shops and entertainment establishments cater to the diehard fans of manga and anime called ‘otaku’. These small-scale suppliers are often run by these very same fans, who produce a constant stream of new products while using the profits to fuel their own related obsessions. According to Morinaga, ‘The money circulates around from place to place within a narrow, closed market, and no one actually makes a profit.’ He continues, ‘Why would anyone produce things if they aren’t making money? The answer is love. The producers are otaku and they want to produce for other otaku who appreciate their work. They are pursuing what they love.’10

当我和莎拉以及她的朋友们交谈时,她们正忙着完成兽装和艺术品,以便赶上匹兹堡举办的Anthrocon兽展——世界最大的兽展之一。抵达后,她们径直前往“艺术家巷”,这是一个巨大的大厅,挤满了兽展艺术家,其运作方式类似于日本的“街区经济”。莎拉和她的朋友们都从自己欣赏的艺术家那里购买了作品。当艺术家们不把作品卖给顾客和粉丝时,他们会停下来逛逛其他展位。正如森永所说,他们追求的不是金钱,而是他们热爱的东西。而他们热爱的东西就是可爱。189

As I was speaking to Sarah and her friends, they were working frantically to finish fursuits and artworks in time for the Anthrocon furry convention in Pittsburgh, one of the largest in the world. On arrival, they headed straight for the Artists’ Alley, an immense hall filled with furry artists, which functioned as a block economy similar to the one in Japan. Sarah and her friends all bought works from artists they admired. And when the artists aren’t selling their work to customers and fans, they’re taking breaks to browse the other booths. As Morinaga says, they are pursuing not money, but what they love. And what they love is cute. 189

他们甚至有自己的俚语来形容这种感觉。当我给莎拉的毛茸茸小伙伴们看我和俄罗斯驯养狐狸的视频时,他们说:“真是个宝贝!”这句话引出了一个有趣的观点。可爱与童真联系已深深植根于我们的基因中,然而正如本章中的例子所示,成年人却越来越沉迷于可爱。我不得不亲自尝试一下,还有什么地方比有9000名毛茸茸爱好者参加的Anthrocon更合适呢?

They even have their own slang word for it. When I showed Sarah’s furry crew a video of my meeting with the Russian domesticated foxes, they said, ‘That’s so baby!’ It’s a phrase that raises an interesting point. The association of cuteness with the childlike is baked into our genes, yet adults are increasingly indulging in cuteness, as the examples in this chapter show. I had to try it myself, and what better place than at Anthrocon, with 9,000 furries in attendance?

充满可爱的大厅

A hall full of cuteness

匹兹堡的大卫·L·劳伦斯会议中心空间宽敞,轻松容纳数千人。远处楼上阳台上,一个小小的身影缓缓地发出清晰的指令,确保我们都听懂了:“确保你们站在黄线上。” 就在大家低头看向脚下时,那个声音再次响起:“太可爱了!” 要知道,这可不是人类的聚会。我们2132人都穿着毛茸茸的动物服装——包括我在内。我从表弟的朋友那里借了一套皮草服装,所以我打扮成了一只可爱的小狗,有着淡蓝色的鼻子和爪子。我变成了大会上其他7000名皮草爱好者前来观看的动物服装中的一员。

The David L. Lawrence Convention Center in Pittsburgh is a vast space that easily accommodates a group of a few thousand. The tiny figure standing far away on the upper balcony slowly gave precise instructions to make sure we all understood: ‘Make sure you’re standing on a yellow line.’ As everyone looked down at their feet, the voice boomed out again: ‘That was so cute!’ You see, this was not a gathering of humans. All 2,132 of us were dressed in furry animal costumes – including me. I’d borrowed a fursuit from one of my cousin’s friends, so there I was dressed as a lovable dog, with a light-blue nose and paws. I had transformed into one of the costumed animals that the other 7,000 furries at the convention had come to see.

人群里挤满了狗、龙、狐狸和独角兽,但每个人都面临着同样的问题:穿着兽装很难看清外面,也很难走动。为了找到队伍里的位置,我们不得不不停地低头挪动爪子。这些夸张的动作从外表看可能很可爱,但穿上之后就完全不一样了——被厚厚的兽皮包裹着,又热又容易出汗。大多数兽装的鼻子里都内置了一个小风扇,可以向穿着者的脸上吹风,但这并不能止汗。

The crowd was full of dogs and dragons, foxes and unicorns, but everyone had the same problem: fursuits are hard to see out of and move around in. Finding our place on the line involved a great deal of head-bowing and paw-shuffling. These exaggerated movements may have looked cute from the outside, but inside it was a different story – being wrapped in thick fur is hot and sweaty. Most fursuits have a small fan built into the snout that blows air towards the wearer’s face, but that doesn’t stop the sweat.

我们排队拍了一张巨大的合影,然后顶着七月的酷热阳光,在190城市街道上游行。成千上万的匹兹堡人正等着观看这场毛茸茸的可爱动物游行。城里的人们或许并不完全了解毛茸茸的动物,但他们已经学会了享受,甚至庆祝它们的存在。

We were lining up to take a giant group photo before heading into the sweltering July sunshine to parade around the 190streets of the city. Thousands of Pittsburghers were waiting to watch the parade of fuzzy animal cuteness. People in the city may not fully understand furries, but they’ve learned to enjoy and even celebrate their presence.

图 10.1:作者在 Anthrocon 上穿着毛皮服装。

Fig. 10.1: The author wearing a fursuit at Anthrocon.

在Anthrocon期间,动物服装随处可见——街头巷尾、酒吧餐厅里(尽管没人戴着动物头吃饭)。酒店窗户旁摆放着动物服装的头,用来标记哪些房间住着动物。如果你在会议酒店附近抬头望去,你会发现一群动物正静静地注视着你。

During Anthrocon, animal costumes are everywhere – on the streets and in bars and restaurants (although no one eats with their head on). Fursuit heads are left next to hotel windows to mark rooms that are occupied by furries. If you look up near the convention hotel, a menagerie stares silently back at you.

在会议厅里,2000 名其他穿着兽装的动物们挤来挤去,根本看不清穿着兽装的人是什么样子,甚至看不清一个人有多高。一个六英尺高的人是从长颈鹿的眼睛里往外看,还是一个五英尺高的人是从它脖子上隐藏的洞里往外看?这有什么关系?兽装在191现实生活中赋予了人们一种只有在网上才能找到的匿名性。自我展现是一种通过兽装表达的选择,而服装的设计、颜色和图案都是打造独特声明的决定。我们排成一排拍集体照,默默地摆好姿势——兽装穿上后是不会说话的。游行开始后,我们都开始向门口走去。

Milling around in the convention hall with 2,000 other costumed furries, there’s no way to tell what people look like inside all that fur. You can’t even tell how tall someone is. Is a six-foot-tall person looking out of that giraffe’s eyes, or might a five-foot-tall person be looking out from hidden holes in its neck? And why does it matter? Fursuits grant an anonymity in 191real life that is otherwise only found online. Self-presentation is a choice expressed in fur, and the costumes’ design, colour and pattern are all decisions that make a unique statement. We lined up for the group photo and struck a pose in silence – furries don’t talk when suited up. The start of the parade was announced and we all began moving towards the door.

当我试穿皮草服装,对着酒店房间的镜子时,一只长着尖耳朵和蓝鼻子的可爱边境牧羊犬正对着我。不知怎的,我以为穿上这套服装就能瞬间改变我的整个人。我自信地走出酒店房间,被成千上万的人包围,我会毫不犹豫——走在路上的不会是我。

When I tried on the fursuit and looked into the mirror of my hotel room, a cute border collie with pointed ears and a blue nose looked back at me. Somehow I had thought that wearing the suit would be enough to instantly transform my whole being. I was confident that I would feel no hesitation in marching out of my hotel room and being surrounded by thousands of people – it wouldn’t be me that was walking.

但事实并非如此。即使全身披着毛皮,在人群面前行进时,我仍感到自己暴露无遗。我像其他许多兽迷一样,正常地走着,挥手致意,但我立刻意识到这不是最好的方式。身后传来阵阵笑声和掌声,那些特别受欢迎的兽迷们欢快地跳跃嬉戏,渴望取悦观众。这让我意识到,仅仅穿上兽装是不够的;为了充分发挥兽迷的潜力,必须穿上兽装。

But that’s not what happened. Even covered in fur, I felt exposed as I marched in front of the huge crowd. I walked normally and waved, as many other furries were doing, but I could sense immediately that this was not the best way to do it. Behind me I could hear laughter and applause as particularly popular furries gambolled, pranced and romped around, keen to please the audience. It made me realise that simply donning a fursuit is not enough; in order to realise the full potential of becoming a furry, a fursuit must be performed.

明白了仅仅穿上兽装并不能让我真正了解兽迷的内心世界后,我开始思考是什么促使人们加入这个粉丝群体。幸运的是,我在注册大厅找到了答案,一群穿着实验服的研究人员正在那里分发调查问卷。“兽科学”(Furscience)的正式名称是“国际拟人化研究项目”(International Anthropomorphic Research Project),它是由一群社会科学家组成的,他们收集了数万名兽迷的数据,这些数据为了解这个独特群体的动机和人口结构提供了一个引人入胜的窗口。

Having understood that simply donning a fursuit didn’t put me inside a furry’s head, I was left wondering what makes people want to join this fan community in the first place. Luckily I found the answer to this question in the registration hall, where a group of researchers in lab coats were distributing surveys. Officially known as the International Anthropomorphic Research Project, Furscience is a group of social scientists who have compiled data on tens of thousands of furries, which provides a fascinating window into the motivations and demographics of this unique fandom.

从Furscience项目的数据中,我们知道绝大多数兽迷在穿上服装时会感到更自信;他们192发现与陌生人互动更容易,并且觉得他们可以展示自己的另一面,同时被他人接受。11明显,兽装可以帮助穿着者变得更善于交际,并使他们能够更好地与他人互动。

From the Furscience project data, we know the vast majority of furries feel more confident while wearing a suit; they 192find it easier to interact with people they don’t know, and feel that they can display another side of themselves, while being accepted by others.11 It seems clear that fursuits help their wearers to become more sociable and enable them to better engage with others.

正如我们已经看到的,可爱是一种鼓励社交的机制。兽装象征着可爱的动物,这似乎是理解人们为何想要穿着它们的关键因素,但“兽科学”组织尚未考虑可爱对兽迷群体的重要性12——考虑到可爱是主流审美,这真是一个奇怪的疏忽。在 Anthrocon 展会上,我和几位穿着兽装的兽迷一起乘坐电梯,电梯门突然打开,几位没穿兽装的参展者走了进来。“电梯里全是可爱!”其中一位走进来评论道。兽迷们出于可爱的想法将动物拟人化,但“兽科学”的数据在这里毫无用处。

As we have already seen, cuteness is a mechanism that encourages social engagement. The fact that fursuits represent cute animals would seem to be a key factor in understanding why people want to wear them, but the Furscience collective has not yet considered the importance of cuteness to the furry fandom12 – a strange omission, given that it is the dominant aesthetic. I was riding the lift at Anthrocon with several suited furries when the door opened for a few non-suited convention-goers. ‘An elevator full of cuteness!’ one remarked as he entered. Furries anthropomorphise animals with cuteness in mind, but the data from Furscience is no help here.

在 Anthrocon,每个人都佩戴着醒目的兽设徽章,上面醒目地印着他们兽设的形象。虽然这些肖像可以自制,但许多人会委托兽设艺术家制作定制图像,既可以用作徽章,也可以用作在线头像。当人们认出朋友并互相打招呼时,他们会看着兽设徽章或兽服,而不是他们的真人面孔。然而,对我来说,大部分的乐趣在于观看兽服,我不禁认为这是兽设艺术的巅峰之作。

At Anthrocon, everyone wears large badges that prominently display an image of their fursona. Although these portraits can be self-made, many people commission a furry artist to make a custom image that can be used both as a badge and as an online avatar. When people recognise friends and greet each other, they look at their fursona badge or fursuit rather than their human face. For me, however, much of the fun was in watching the fursuits, which I can’t help but think of as the pinnacle of furry art.

我在会展中心待了很久,看着这些穿着毛茸茸服装的家伙四处走动,就让人感到心旷神怡,仿佛沐浴在可爱的河流中。这些服装的质量非常高,而为了打造出最可爱的外观,其设计的复杂性和细节也让我惊叹不已。

I spent a lot of time in the convention centre, and just watching the fursuited figures walk around was calming, like bathing in a river of cuteness. The quality of the suits was very high, and I marvelled at the intricacy and detail of designs aimed at creating the cutest possible appearance.

Anthrocon 的常规内容包括小组讨论和研讨会,人们在其中探讨了兽迷群体的各个方面以及他们参与其中的方式。当人们公开分享他们193对拟人化动物迷恋的来源和本质时,喜悦之情溢于言表。但兽迷大会与其他粉丝聚会截然不同,因为他们欣赏的媒体内容大多是由兽迷们自己制作的。兽迷群体分散且独立;其内容几乎完全由用户生成。13正因如此,艺术家才是兽迷群体的核心。

Anthrocon had the usual convention fare of panels and workshops where people discussed various aspects of the fandom and their participation in it. The delight was palpable as people openly shared the source and nature of their fascination 193with anthropomorphic animals, but furry conventions differ significantly from other fan meet-ups because so much of the media they admire is produced by the furries themselves. Furry fandom is decentralised and independent; its content is almost wholly user-generated.13 That’s why artists are central to the community.

在与莎拉和她的艺术家朋友们交谈时,我意识到她们的世界正在发生改变。以前的兽装往往看起来像迪士尼人物,只是略带一丝扭曲,比如一头发出滑稽咆哮的狼。然而,最近的兽装则拥有日本动漫人物的大眼睛和开朗的表情。美式可爱和日式卡哇伊的审美在兽装世界中交融,在Anthrocon展会上,兽迷们对这两种审美都高度成熟。

As I talked with Sarah and her artist friends, I realised that things had been changing in their world. Older fursuits tended to look like Disney characters with a twist, like a wolf with a comical snarl. Recent fursuits, however, have the large eyes and open expressions of Japanese anime characters. The American cute and Japanese kawaii aesthetics come together in the furry world, and it was clear at Anthrocon that furries have a highly developed sense of both.

通过这种结合,兽迷们发展出了一种以“可爱”为核心的交流方式。通过隐藏穿着者的性别、种族、体型和其他差异性特征,兽装营造了公平的氛围,使兽迷们和粉丝之间的互动变得轻松有趣,而不是为了争夺统治地位或等级制度中的地位。隐藏人类的体型使兽迷们能够表达和庆祝他们的人性。

Through this combination, furries have developed a style of communication that pivots around cuteness. By concealing a wearer’s gender, ethnicity, body shape and other markers of difference, fursuits level the field and help to make interactions among both furries and their fans playful, rather than a struggle for dominance or position in a hierarchy. Concealing their human forms enables furries to express and celebrate their humanity.

虽然日本的毛茸茸动物市场规模虽小,却蓬勃发展,但最新的萌宠形式却更注重高科技。在这个宠物空间有限、出生率不断下降的国家,无论是动物还是儿童喜爱的可爱,未来很可能都属于那些能够按需提供陪伴和娱乐的机器人。

Although there is a small but thriving furry scene in Japan, the newest forms of cuteness there are more high-tech. In a country with limited space for pets and a falling birthrate, the future of both animal and child-like kawaii may well belong to robots that offer companionship and entertainment on demand.

索尼的机器狗

Sony’s robot dog

20世纪70年代,工业机器人传入日本时,日产汽车公司(Nissan)遇到了一个难题。问题并非在于工人的不满——当时日本经济飞速发展,194自动化并未造成任何失业。问题在于,所有机器人都长得一模一样。当其中一台大型机器发生故障时,赶去维修的机械师们发现,自己得浪费宝贵的时间,费力地找出哪台机器需要他们的帮助。为了解决这个问题,工人们在每台机器上都贴上一位女演员或女艺人的照片,并用她的名字来称呼。“三号机器坏了!”或许会让机械师感到困惑,但“惠子坏了!”却能让他直接去找那台故障的机器人。经济学家竹内宏(Hiroshi Takeuchi)说:“给机器人起了好听的昵称后,工人们似乎就和它们一起工作,就像它们是人类同事一样。” 14

When industrial robots arrived in Japan in the 1970s, Nissan had a problem. It wasn’t with disgruntled workers – Japan’s economy was expanding so rapidly that no jobs were lost due 194to automation. The difficulty was that the robots all looked the same. When one of the huge machines broke down, the mechanics rushing to repair it found themselves wasting precious time trying to figure out which one needed their help. To solve the problem, workers attached photos of an actress or female entertainer to each machine and referred to it by her name. ‘Number three is down’ might leave a mechanic confused, but ‘Keiko is broken!’ would send him straight to the affected robot. ‘Having given the robots endearing nicknames,’ says economist Hiroshi Takeuchi, ‘the workers seemed to work together with them as though they were human co-workers.’14

日本人自古以来就对所有机械事物抱有好感。江户时代,机械人偶(karakuri ningyō)会表演一些戏法,比如端茶。当一杯茶被放在人偶伸出的手中,人偶就会滚到桌子尽头的客人面前,并礼貌地点头致意。

The Japanese have long had a favourable attitude towards all things mechanical. In the Edo era, clockwork automata dolls (karakuri ningyō) performed tricks such as serving cups of tea. When a cup of tea was placed in the saucer held in the doll’s outstretched hands, it rolled forward to the guest at the end of the table, its head nodding politely.

随着 1951 年开播的《铁臂阿童木》等动漫节目中可爱指数的上升,机器人可以帮上忙的想法开始传播开来。这个男孩机器人和他的人类朋友以及机器人家人在推广人类与机器人可以和谐相处的理念方面发挥了关键作用。铁臂阿童木 为漫画和动漫中无数可爱、友好的机器人铺平了道路;它们的受欢迎程度有助于解释为什么日本与西方不同,并不惧怕机器人末日。16日本在机器人领域也处于领先地位——如今,它们所做的不仅仅是端茶倒水。

The idea that robots could be helpful spread when the cuteness quotient increased in anime programmes like Astro Boy, which began in 1951. This boy robot, with his human friends and robot family, played a key role in promoting the idea that humans and robots can live together in harmony.15 Astro Boy paved the way for innumerable cute, friendly robots in manga and anime; their popularity helps explain why, unlike in the West, Japan does not fear the robot apocalypse.16 But Japan also leads the way in real robots – and nowadays they do more than just serve tea.

索尼于1999年推出了机器狗AIBO。“AIBO”的全称是“人工智能机器人”(Artificial Intelligence Robot),但“ aibo ”在日语中是“伙伴”的意思。索尼的AIBO不仅仅是一个可以开灯或播报天气的数字助理,它的目标是像宠物一样被爱护。然而,任何养过真正的猫狗的人都知道,这些动物都有自己的个性,并不总是听话。索尼试图将这些特质融入195AIBO,认为偶尔的反抗会让AIBO成为一个更有趣的伙伴。例如,这只机器狗会用蓝光发出“高兴”的信号,并伸出爪子与主人握手,但有时它的光会变成红光,表示它拒绝握手。机器狗的研发、设计和营销都是为了吸引消费者,使其成为一款足够智能、能够与主人沟通的高科技产品,而不是一个可爱的玩具。17

Sony introduced its robot dog AIBO in 1999. The name stands for Artificial Intelligence Robot, but the word ‘aibo’ is Japanese for ‘partner’. Sony’s AIBO is not simply a digital assistant that can turn the lights on or tell you the weather – it’s intended to be loved like a pet. However, as anyone with a real dog or cat knows, these animals have individual personalities and are not always obedient. Sony tried to build such traits into 195the AIBO, reasoning that occasional pushback would make for a more interesting companion. For example, the robot dog signalled ‘delight’ with a blue light and would hold out a paw to shake hands, but sometimes its light would turn red and it would refuse to shake. The robot dog was engineered, designed and marketed to appeal to customers as a high-tech gadget that was intelligent enough to communicate with its owners, rather than as a cute toy.17

首批 3,000 只 AIBO 在二十五分钟内就销售一空,头六个月就售出了 45,000 只——尽管其售价高达 250,000 日元(当时为 2,100 美元)。18其七年的运营期间,全球共售出 150,000 只 AIBO。19然而,事与愿违,技术并非其主要吸引力。人们喜欢机器狗是因为它很可爱,而这一卖点也带来了意想不到的问题。新主人喜欢看他们的 AIBO 左右“跳舞”,这给原本就不打算频繁使用的电机带来了额外的负担。给机器狗穿上可爱的衣服也变得流行起来,尽管这些衣服往往会卡住活动部件并导致其发生故障。20

The first 3,000 AIBOs sold out within twenty-five minutes, and 45,000 were sold in the first six months – despite a cost of 250,000 yen (US $2,100 at the time).18 During its seven-year run, 150,000 AIBOs were sold worldwide.19 However, contrary to Sony’s expectations, the technology was not its main appeal. Instead people liked the robot dog because it was cute, a selling point that caused unexpected problems. New owners loved to watch their AIBO ‘dance’ from side to side, which put added strain on motors that were not designed for so much use. Dressing their robot dogs in cute outfits also became popular, although the clothes tended to jam the moving parts and cause them to malfunction.20

许多主人把他们的 AIBO 视为家庭成员。它不仅仅是一台机器——他们认为他们的机器狗处于机械物体和生物之间的神秘位置。AIBO 可爱的行为使人们对它的高科技智慧产生了钦佩,并转向了其他方面。例如,在一次 AIBO 粉丝见面会上,一只机器狗走到日本家庭常见的纸门前,把头探了进去。这一幕太可爱了,大家都笑了,尽管在别人家里弄坏纸门是严重的社交失礼行为。21 在场的 AIBO 主人笑了,因为机器人的行为在他们看来是小狗会做的事情,但实际上这是由机械故障引起的——AIBO 的传感器没有检测到门。196

Many owners treated their AIBO as a member of the family. It became more than simply a machine – they saw their robot dog as occupying an enigmatic place somewhere between mechanical object and living thing. The AIBO’s cute behaviour tipped the balance from admiration for its high-tech cleverness towards something else. For example, during one AIBO fan meet-up, a robot dog wandered over to the paper panel door that is common in Japanese homes and poked its head through it. It was such a cute sight that everyone laughed, even though ruining a shōji panel at someone else’s home is a significant social faux pas.21 The assembled AIBO owners smiled because the robot’s action struck them as something a puppy would do, but it had actually been caused by a mechanical failure – the AIBO’s sensors hadn’t registered the door. 196

索尼于2006年停售AIBO,并于2014年停止生产替换部件。随着AIBO逐渐老化并开始出现故障,它们的主人为机器狗的离世而哀悼。但慰藉依然存在。2015年,19只AIBO在一座佛教寺庙举行了正式葬礼;到2018年,该寺庙已举行了800场此类仪式。22

Sony stopped selling the AIBO in 2006 and ended its production of replacement parts in 2014. As AIBOs aged and began to break down, their owners mourned the deaths of their robotic dogs. But consolation was available. In 2015 nineteen AIBOs were given a formal funeral at a Buddhist temple; by 2018 the temple had performed 800 such ceremonies.22

在日本,人们长期以来将破旧的家居用品供奉于佛教寺庙,以感谢它们长期以来的服务。人偶们都有自己的纪念碑,以便人们在它们“去世”后为它们祈祷。23 万物皆有灵魂,”一位主持AIBO葬礼的寺庙僧侣说道。24这种古老的万物有灵论信仰体现了日本“情感科技”的力量,这种科技旨在建立机器与人类之间的联系。25

In Japan there’s a long tradition of depositing worn-out household items at Buddhist temples to thank them for their long service. Dolls have their own monuments, so that people can pray for them in ‘death’.23 ‘All things have a bit of soul,’ said one of the temple’s priests who officiated at the funerals of AIBOs.24 This ancient animist belief informs the power of Japan’s ‘emotional tech’, which is specifically designed to forge a connection between machines and humans.25

2018年,索尼发布了升级版机器狗,并更名为“aibo”。新款机器狗通过无线方式连接到云端,使它们能够相互学习。早期型号的机器狗应该能够“学习”,并随着时间的推移发展出独特的个性,但初代AIBO的主人并没有注意到他们的机器狗有太多变化。然而,这次索尼增加了一个人工智能神经网络。每天,AIBO的经验都会上传到云端,经过深度学习处理,然后在AIBO充电时(用索尼的话来说,就是“睡眠”)下载回机器狗。26新款AIBO采用这种“情感技术”来捕捉主人的感受并引发情绪反应。它会成功吗?

In 2018 Sony released an updated robot dog, rebranded as the ‘aibo’. The new models have a wireless connection to the cloud, which allows them to learn from each other. The earlier models were supposed to ‘learn’ and develop a unique personality over time, but owners of the original AIBO didn’t notice many changes in their robot dogs. However, this time Sony has added an AI neural network. Every day an aibo’s experiences are uploaded to the cloud, processed through deep learning and downloaded back to the aibo while it recharges – or ‘sleeps’, in Sony’s parlance.26 The new aibo employs this ‘emotional tech’ to register the feelings of its owner and elicit an emotional response. Will it be successful?

我不确定自己是否能喜欢机器狗。我那些养过AIBO的朋友说,用了一段时间后就厌倦了。这让我不禁思考,无论多么吸引人,机器宠物和真宠物之间究竟有何区别。我养了一只猫,叫托比,但它决定我们什么时候玩,而且我工作的时候,它经常要我关注。当我强迫自己休息一下,和托比玩一玩,我总会感到平静和清爽。养一只活生生的宠物很有意义,因为它很烦人。照顾197动物、满足它的需求,即使只是清理呕吐物或处理被抓坏的家具,也是让玩耍时光如此有意义的原因之一。

I’m not sure if I could love a robot dog. My friends who owned an AIBO said they grew tired of it after a while, which made me think about the difference between robot pets, however engaging, and real ones. I have a cat, Toby, but he decides when we play, and he often demands attention when I’m trying to work. When I force myself to take a break and play with Toby, I inevitably feel calm and refreshed. Having a living pet is rewarding because it’s annoying. Caring for an 197animal and attending to its needs, even when this involves cleaning up vomit or dealing with scratched furniture, is part of what makes the playful times so rewarding.

为了让aibo更像真正的狗狗——比如知道什么时候有人揉肚子——索尼为它配备了各种技术。新款aibo配备了两个摄像头、四个麦克风和十八个传感器。它们不仅能更好地与主人沟通,还能绘制房屋地图,识别多达十张面孔,并使用前置摄像头拍照。aibo的麦克风始终处于录音状态。在“巡逻模式”下,这只机器狗可以随时查找、拍照并记录其登记在册的任何人。

In order for an aibo to behave more like a living dog – to know when its belly is being rubbed, for example – Sony has loaded it with technology. The new models have two cameras, four microphones and eighteen sensors. Not only are they better able to communicate with their owner, but they also map your house, can recognise up to ten faces and take photographs with their front camera. An aibo’s microphones are always recording. In ‘patrol mode’, this robot dog can be dispatched to find, photograph and record anybody in its registry.

Toby 比 aibo 更了解我的公寓,但它没有 Wi-Fi,这意味着它无法持续向云端传输数据。索尼打造了一款拥有无与伦比监控技能的机器。如果 aibo 凭借其聪明可爱的外表,像特洛伊木马一样突破我们的防线,后果可能就难以预料了。而 aibo 只是新一代以可爱为设计理念的机器人之一。

Toby knows my flat better than an aibo ever could, but his lack of Wi-Fi means he’s not continuously streaming data to the cloud. Sony has created a machine with unmatched surveillance skills. If the aibo’s clever cuteness enables it to slip past our defences like a Trojan horse, the consequences may be out of our hands. And the aibo is only one of the new generation of robots designed to appeal through their cuteness.

一款激发你爱的本能的新型家用机器人” 27

A new home robot that stirs your instinct to love’27

毛茸茸的机器人翻了个身,眨着闪闪发光的眼睛,伸出像鳍状肢一样的小胳膊。我把它抱起来,它收起轮子,睡眼惺忪地眨着眼睛。它依偎在我的怀里,感觉温暖柔软。我摸了摸它的鼻子,它发出咕咕的声音。

The furry robot rolled over, blinked its luminous eyes and held out its small, flipper-like arms. I picked it up and it retracted its wheels and blinked sleepily. It felt warm and soft in my arms. When I touched its nose, it cooed.

LOVOT——这个名字由“爱”和“机器人”组合而成——身高17英寸(约43厘米),体重9磅(约3.7公斤),与婴儿体重相当。正如其网站所述,这种设计是刻意为之,“让你感觉很可爱”。28与索尼的机器狗不同,LOVOT不会跳舞或表演杂技——它们的吸引力完全在于它们的可爱。

The LOVOT – the name is a combination of ‘love’ and ‘robot’ – is seventeen inches tall and weighs nine pounds, about the same as a baby. This design spec is deliberately intended, as the website puts it, ‘to bring you the cuteness’.28 But unlike Sony’s robot dogs, LOVOTs can’t dance or do tricks – their appeal lies solely in their adorability.

出于这个原因,设计 LOVOT 的工程团队中包括一个“卡哇伊开发团队”,专门负责198创造可爱的外观和行为。29 LOVOT 的眼睛和 aibo 一样是 OLED 屏幕,但它们更大更复杂——六层图形投射到它们上面,以创建跟随运动的眼睛,并模拟眨眼和扩张的瞳孔。这些机器人全身有超过50个传感器,包括触觉感受器。当拥抱 LOVOT 时,它会咕咕叫,当挠痒痒时,它会笑:这些声音模拟声带并在内部腔内产生共鸣,就像真正嘴巴的回声一样。它可能不会像 aibo 那样耍花招,但人们可以通过给 LOVOT 穿上各种服装和配饰来进行个性化设置。和索尼的机器狗一样,制造商希望 LOVOT 感觉像是家庭的一员。

For this reason, the engineering group that designed the LOVOT included a ‘kawaii development team’ that specialised 198in creating a cute look and behaviour.29 The LOVOT’s eyes are OLED screens like the aibo’s, but they are larger and more complex – six layers of graphics are projected onto them to create eyes that follow movement, as well as simulating blinking eyelids and dilating pupils. These robots have more than fifty sensors all over their bodies, including touch receptors. A LOVOT coos when it is cuddled and laughs when it is tickled: these sounds simulate vocal cords and resonate inside an internal cavity, just like the echo of a real mouth. It may not do tricks like an aibo, but the LOVOT can be personalised by dressing it in various outfits and accessories. And like Sony’s robot dogs, the LOVOT is intended by its manufacturer to feel like a member of your family.

和aibo一样,LOVOT可以扫描整个房间并找到主人。但它们还具备“日记”功能,可以记录它们的睡眠和拥抱时间。网站上的一段视频建议,如果你收到手机通知,说你年迈的父亲最近没有拥抱他的机器人,不妨给他打个电话,确认他是否安好。然而,这种安全感是有代价的——LOVOT的售价为50万日元,每月需支付1万日元的云端连接费(3900美元,78美元)。

Like the aibo, LOVOTs can scan an entire room and locate their owner. But they also have a ‘diary’ function that records their sleeping and cuddling time. A video on the website suggests that if you receive a phone notification indicating that your elderly father hasn’t recently hugged his robot, you might want to give him a call to check that he’s okay. However, this sense of security comes at a cost – a LOVOT is priced at 500,000 yen with a monthly fee of 10,000 yen for connection to the cloud (US $3,900 and $78).

正如人类学家丹尼尔·怀特所指出的,aibo和LOVOT的云连接意味着它们的“灵魂”存在于身体之外。换句话说,如果一个机器人遭受了无法弥补的伤害,它的个性可以被下载到另一个身体里。30因此,葬礼将不再需要——这些可爱的机器人现在可以永生。在一次怀特分享这一想法的研讨会上,一位日本教授表示,她觉得这很令人欣慰,因为如果她有一只LOVOT,她会担心如果她不能再照顾它,它会发生什么。我们对这种态度的反应取决于我们如何看待“生命”。LOVOT和aibo不是活的,但它们也不仅仅是机械零件的集合。199

As the anthropologist Daniel White points out, the cloud connectivity in aibos and LOVOTs means that their ‘souls’ reside outside their bodies. In other words, if one suffers irreparable damage, its personality can be downloaded into another body.30 Thus there will be no further need for funeral services – these cute robots can now live for ever. At a symposium where White shared this idea, a Japanese professor said that she found it comforting, because if she had a LOVOT she would worry about what would happen to it if she could no longer care for it. Our response to such an attitude depends on how we think about ‘life’. LOVOTs and aibos are not alive, but neither are they merely mechanical collections of parts. 199

区别不在于机器本身,而在于我们自身。心理学家断言,可爱会促使我们倾向于将物体视为拥有自主意识的个体。31通过赋予聪明的aibo思考能力,我们让它成为更好的玩伴。而LOVOT则恳求我们“赋予它们情感”。它们富有表现力的眼神和声音,更不用说它们温暖毛茸茸的身体,都旨在触动我们的心弦。

The difference is not to do with the machine – it’s within us. Psychologists assert that cuteness encourages our tendency to treat an object as if it has an intentional mind of its own.31 By granting the clever aibo the ability to think, we make it a better playmate. LOVOTs, on the other hand, beg us to ‘emotionalise’ them. Their expressive eyes and sounds, not to mention their warm, fuzzy bodies, are designed to tug at our heartstrings.

aibo 的设计既聪明又可爱,这让我想起了美式“可爱”审美最初源于“acute”(敏锐),即狡猾。而 LOVOT 则更显可爱,因为它直接诉诸于“可爱”的情感。除了机器人之外,科技也在不断进步,让人们可以让自己变得可爱。在虚拟生物的控制下,人类的“可爱”实现了新的自我表达形式。

The aibo is designed to be both clever and cute, which reminds me that the American cute aesthetic originally derived from ‘acute’, or cunning. The LOVOT, on the other hand, seems more kawaii in its direct appeal to the emotion of cuteness. Robots aside, technology is also advancing the ways in which people can make themselves cute. And with a human behind the controls of a virtual being, cuteness has achieved a new form of self-expression.

VTubers 和可爱的动漫头像

VTubers and cute anime avatars

20 世纪 70 年代阅读少女漫画的日本男性能够与可爱的少女角色产生共鸣,甚至在想象中成为她们。32到了 20 世纪 90 年代和 21 世纪,可爱少女角色的流行蔓延到了面向大众的漫画、动画和电子游戏中,她们的外表也变得更加可爱。33

The Japanese men who read girls’ manga in the 1970s were able to identify with cute girl characters or even to become them in their imagination.32 But in the 1990s and 2000s the popularity of cute girl characters spread to manga, anime and video games aimed at a general audience – and their appearance became even cuter.33

可爱的男孩角色也越来越受欢迎,21世纪也见证了Cosplay的快速发展,粉丝们开始装扮成自己喜欢的角色参加各种活动和拍摄。尽管Cosplay世界力求包容,但二维的漫画和动画世界很难用三维实体来模拟。体型或肤色与二维动画角色不符的人有时会在粉丝群体中遭受歧视。

Cute boy characters also grew in popularity, and the twenty-first century saw the rapid growth of cosplay, in which fans began to dress as their favourite characters to attend conventions and photoshoots. Although the cosplay world strives to be inclusive, the two-dimensional world of manga and anime is hard to emulate with three-dimensional bodies. People whose body type or skin colour didn’t match the 2D anime characters sometimes faced discrimination in the fan community.

粉丝群体在解决这些问题方面取得了一些进展200,而将 2D 角色赋予 3D 身体这一根本性难题也催生了各种变通方案。其中之一便是在 2010 年代后期,随着数字化身的出现而诞生的。

The fandom has made some strides towards addressing 200these issues, and the fundamental problem of incarnating a 2D character with a 3D body has led to various workarounds. One of these came in the late 2010s with the advent of digital avatars.

虚拟主播(VTuber)是指利用计算机图形技术将虚拟形象动态化的在线视频创作者。首位虚拟主播绊爱(Kizuna AI)于2016年登陆YouTube。她看起来就像一个可爱的动漫人物,只不过她是完全3D渲染的,可以与人实时互动。在吸引了数百万粉丝后,绊爱于2018年被日本国家旅游局(JNTO)作为推广活动的主题。34

Virtual streamers, or VTubers, are online video creators who animate digital avatars with the help of computer graphics. The first VTuber, Kizuna AI, arrived on YouTube in 2016. She looked just like a cute anime character, except that she was fully rendered in 3D and could interact with people in real time. After she attracted millions of followers, Kizuna AI was featured in promotional campaigns by the Japan National Tourist Organization in 2018.34

Kizuna AI 是由一支不愿透露姓名的专业团队打造的,旨在帮助人们消除怀疑,让角色看起来更“真实”。35他们使用了好莱坞级别的动作捕捉设备和专业女演员的配音。然而,自 Kizuna AI 出道以来,已有数千名其他 VTuber(既有业余的,也有专业的)加入,他们在 YouTube、Twitch 和 TikTok 等平台上进行直播。许多人使用特殊软件从智能手机或网络摄像头捕捉面部动作,从而创建 2D 虚拟化身。只需按一下视频游戏控制器的按钮,即可为虚拟化身添加预编程的动作。虚拟化身的长发可能会来回摆动以配合操作者的动作。他们的嘴巴可能会张开和闭合,以模仿逼真的语音,而其他按钮则可以实现面部表情。36

Kizuna AI was created by a team of professionals who remain anonymous in order to aid the suspension of disbelief and make the character seem more ‘real’.35 They use Hollywood-quality motion-capture equipment and the voiceover talents of a professional actress. However, since her debut Kizuna AI has been joined by thousands of other VTubers, both amateur and professional, who livestream content on platforms like YouTube, Twitch and TikTok. Many create a 2D virtual avatar by using special software that captures their facial movements from a smartphone or webcam. Video-game controllers can add pre-programmed movements to their avatar with the touch of a button. An avatar’s long hair might sway back and forth to match the operator’s movements. Their mouth might open and close for realistic speech imitation, while other buttons might allow for facial expressions.36

虚拟主播(VTuber)的形象可以是任何形状,包括拟人化的动物或物体,但其中很多都是基于可爱的动漫人物。他们会举办直播活动,玩游戏、唱歌、与粉丝聊天。37随着虚拟主播(VTuber)在日本的爆红,一些经纪公司应运而生,负责管理和推广他们;他们开始自己设计虚拟主播,然后举办试镜,寻找配音演员和动画师。一项调查发现,2012018年初YouTube上有1000名虚拟主播;三年后,这个数字增长了16倍。38

VTuber avatars can look like anything, including anthropomorphised animals or objects, but many of them are based on cute anime characters. They offer livestreaming events in which they play video games, sing and chat with fans.37 As the VTuber phenomenon exploded in Japan, talent agencies formed to manage and promote them; they then began to create avatar designs themselves before holding auditions to find people to voice and animate them. One survey found 1,000 VTubers on 201YouTube at the beginning of 2018; three years later this number had grown sixteen-fold.38

起初,语言障碍阻碍了虚拟主播在日本以外的人气,但虚拟主播的粉丝们很快就开始为他们发布的精彩片段添加字幕。当日本虚拟主播开始使用实时中文字幕进行直播时,中国成为了一个重要的市场,39而当虚拟主播经纪公司 Hololive Productions 在 2020 年招募了五位英语虚拟主播后,这一现象便席卷了全球。其他经纪公司也纷纷效仿,如今可爱的动漫虚拟主播们拥有数百万粉丝。2021 年,Netflix 为其动漫部门推出了虚拟主播吉祥物,各大公司也纷纷参与其中。40

At first the language barrier hindered their popularity outside Japan, but VTuber fans soon began to add subtitles to the highlight reels they posted online. When Japanese VTubers started streaming with real-time Chinese subtitles, China became an important market,39 and when the VTuber talent-management agency Hololive Productions added five English-speaking VTubers in 2020 the phenomenon went worldwide. Other agencies soon followed, and cute anime VTubers now have millions of followers. In 2021 major corporations became involved when Netflix introduced a VTuber mascot for its anime division.40

这类虚拟形象主要吸引的是日本漫画、动画和电子游戏的粉丝,因为在这些作品中,可爱的角色早已是标配。41他们渴望与自己在故事中习以为常的角色进行实时互动,而虚拟主播 (VTuber) 率先实现了这一目标。一位粉丝表示:“虚拟主播就是动画的最新类型……你知道它很假,但那种可爱感却让你欲罢不能。” 42

Such avatars mostly appeal to fans of Japanese manga, anime and video games in which cute characters are already standard.41 They want live interaction with the same type of characters they are used to seeing in stories, and VTubers were the first to make that happen. According to one fan: ‘VTubers are just anime’s newest genre … You know it’s fake, but the cuteness overwhelms you.’42

大多数虚拟主播的性别与其可爱的女孩或男孩动漫形象相同,但业余虚拟主播中,一些女性会使用男孩形象,反之亦然。男性选择使用可爱的女孩形象的现象在日本尤为普遍。与许多在 20 世纪 70 年代开始阅读少女漫画的男性一样,这些数字异装者经常表示,化身为可爱的女孩形象可以让他们轻松地从日本社会成年男性的社会压力中解脱出来。这些男性通常没有跨性别身份;他们想要扮演一个长相可爱、行为可爱的角色,但他们将这种渴望与动漫的虚构世界联系在一起,而不是与现实世界联系在一起。43

Most VTubers share the same gender as their cute girl or boy anime avatar, but among amateur VTubers in particular some females use boy avatars, and vice versa. The phenomenon of males choosing to animate cute girl avatars is particularly strong in Japan. Like many of the men who began reading girls’ manga in the 1970s, these digital cross-dressers often say that incarnating a cute girl avatar allows them a playful release from the social pressure of being an adult male in Japanese society. These men don’t generally have a transgender identity; they want to embody a character that looks and acts cute, but they connect this desire with the fictional world of anime, not with the real world.43

拥有可爱女孩形象的男性虚拟博主必须想方设法地让观众202跟着一起玩。他们的头部动作、面部表情、语调和语调都经过精心打磨,才能展现出与虚拟形象相符的魅力。这是一种“可爱”的展现。44

Male VTubers with cute girl avatars have to figure out how to move and speak in a way that enables their audience to play 202along. Their head movements, facial expressions and voice inflection and tone are all carefully honed to look good as a virtual avatar. It’s a performance of cuteness.44

他们会愚弄观众吗?许多人其实并不刻意,只是在表演时开玩笑地展现自己的男性身体。他们偶尔会使用日语中的男性代词,并选择用自己的本声而非电子变声器。他们很像日本传统戏剧中身着黑袍、头戴兜帽的木偶大师;观众可以忽略他们的存在,像欣赏活生生的木偶一样欣赏它们,而无需关心操纵木偶的人究竟是谁。45

Do they fool their audience? Many don’t really try, and jokingly signal their male body during their performance. They occasionally use masculine Japanese pronouns and elect to use their natural voice instead of an electronic voice-changer. They are rather like the puppet masters in traditional Japanese theatre who appear onstage wearing black robes and hoods; the audience is able to disregard their presence and enjoy the puppets as if they are alive, without caring about who the puppeteers really are.45

很快,谁来控制虚拟化身的问题可能会变得更加复杂。生成式人工智能(Generative AI)——聊天机器人背后的技术,可以进行对话、回答问题,并生成原创图像——使得人工智能虚拟主播(AI VTuber)得以“诞生”。可爱的虚拟主播,无论是人类还是动物,都可以作为全天候可用的人工智能互动角色,提供娱乐和陪伴。当然,它们也可以看起来像僵尸或烤面包机。这引出了一个问题:在这个媒体泛滥的世界里,可爱的虚拟主播在吸引人们注意力的竞争中究竟拥有什么优势?

Soon the issue of who is controlling a virtual avatar may become more complicated. Generative AI – the technology behind chatbots that can carry on a conversation and answer questions, as well as generate original images – enables the ‘birth’ of AI VTubers. Cute avatars, whether human or animal, could offer both entertainment and companionship as AI interactive personalities available twenty-four hours a day. Of course they could also look like a zombie, or a toaster. This begs the question of what advantages a cute avatar might have in the race to grab our attention in a media-saturated world.

可爱如特洛伊木马

Cuteness as a Trojan horse

神经科学家莫滕·克林格尔巴赫(Morten Kringelbach)研究了我们感知可爱事物时大脑中发生的变化。他认为,可爱会调动我们所有的感官,激发快速的大脑活动,使我们的注意力迅速集中,以至于我们根本来不及去识别眼前的事物。任何具备儿童图式特征的事物都会跃居大脑队列的最前线,激活与愉悦和奖励相关的区域,例如眶额复合体。46

The neuroscientist Morten Kringelbach studies what happens in our brains when we perceive cute objects. He believes that cuteness engages all our senses and sparks rapid brain activity that focuses our attention so quickly that we don’t have time to recognise what we’re encountering. Anything that possesses characteristics from the child schema jumps to the front of the brain’s queue, activating regions such as the orbitofrontal complex that is linked to pleasure and reward.46

一旦吸引住我们的注意力,可爱的实体就会激活203与同理心和同情心相关的大脑网络,以及与照顾他人和玩耍互动等更复杂的社交行为相关的网络。就这样,可爱通过我们的感官,赋予他人和物品以人性。47克林格尔巴赫认为,它就像一匹特洛伊木马,打开了我们大脑中原本紧闭的大门。48

Once they have grabbed our attention, cute entities activate 203brain networks associated with empathy and compassion, as well as more complex social behaviours like caregiving and playful engagement. In this way, cuteness works through our senses to humanise other people and objects alike.47 According to Kringelbach, it acts as a Trojan horse, opening doors in our brains that would otherwise remain shut.48

特洛伊木马的比喻用在“可爱”上或许听起来很贴切,但我们必须记住,对特洛伊的居民来说,这可是一场灾难。如今,机器人、人工智能和虚拟现实等技术正日益融入“可爱”的力量,在追求“可爱”的过程中,我们最终会成为希腊人还是特洛伊人?

The Trojan-horse metaphor might seem like a positive one when applied to cuteness in this way, but we must remember that for the inhabitants of Troy it was a disaster. Now that technologies such as robotics, artificial intelligence and virtual reality are increasingly incorporating the power of cuteness, will we end up being the Greeks or the Trojans in our pursuit of the cute?

毛茸茸的动物、aibo、LOVOT 和虚拟博主都试图通过“可爱”来与他人建立联系。当我们遇到可爱的生物时,大脑会为社交、玩耍和共情行为做好准备,而这些可爱的生物带来的体验就像实验室实验一样,通过让友善的生物蓬勃发展,挑战了“适者生存”的理论。

Furries, aibos, LOVOTs and VTubers all seek to reach out and relate to others through the medium of cuteness. Building upon the neurological process that prepares our brain for social, playful, empathic behaviours when we encounter a cute entity, the experiences they offer are like laboratory experiments that challenge the theory of the survival of the fittest by allowing the friendly to thrive.

与所有实验一样,这些实验都发生在孤立的环境中,代表着一种可能的前进方向,而非一个完全实现的新世界。此外,它们远非完美。兽人社群也存在着流言蜚语和中伤;女性虚拟主播可能会面临网络厌女症或经纪公司的剥削;49早期创建人工智能虚拟主播的尝试也失败了,因为从互联网中吸收的偏见导致它们引发了性别歧视和种族主义的回应。50

Like all experiments, these take place in isolated environments and represent a possible way forward rather than a fully actualised new world. Plus, they are far from perfect. The furry community has its share of gossip and backstabbing; female VTuber streamers can face online misogyny or exploitation by their management agencies;49 and early attempts at creating AI VTuber avatars have failed when biases absorbed from the Internet caused them to generate sexist and racist responses.50

当可爱被用来刻板印象时,其阴暗面也会显现。例如,亚裔美国女性会因为被刻板地认为可爱而感到被当做孩子对待。51日本女权主义者批评“可爱”是一把双刃剑;它既能获得女性的认可,又能将她们置于男权社会的从属地位。52 204

The dark side of cuteness also appears when it is used to stereotype people. Asian American women, for example, can feel infantilised by being stereotyped as cute.51 Japanese feminists have criticised kawaii as a double-edged sword; it gains women approval while simultaneously placing them in a subordinate position in a male-dominated society.52 204

尽管并非所有社会都像日本一样父权制,但成人世界普遍存在等级制度,这在总体上是毋庸置疑的。尽管社会对“可爱”的期望可能会限制女性赋权,但哲学家西蒙·梅认为,可爱也可能产生相反的效果,就像“权力堡垒中的微型特洛伊木马”。53可爱提供了另一种与我们周围事物建立联系的方式;它的力量是平等的,基于情感而非逻辑,基于友好而非专制。54它对男性和女性都具有吸引力,这有助于解释“可爱”在日本的巨大影响力及其在其他国家的传播。55

Despite not all societies being as patriarchal as Japan’s, it’s generally true that much of the adult world is hierarchal. Although the social expectation to be cute can limit women’s empowerment, the philosopher Simon May believes that cuteness can also have the opposite effect by operating as a ‘miniature Trojan horse in the citadel of power’.53 Cuteness offers another way of relating to the entities around us; its power is egalitarian, based on emotion rather than logic and on being friendly instead of authoritarian.54 It appeals to men as well as women, which helps to explain the tremendous reach of kawaii in Japan, as well as its spread to other countries.55

日本“可爱”的兴起表明,可爱可以成为一种凝聚力,因为它跨越了性别界限,也跨越了儿童与成人之间的鸿沟。可爱源于关爱儿童、促进儿童社交的冲动,因此选择可爱作为自我表达的形式,传达了基于相互依存而非自私个人主义的价值观。56我们可以这样说,可爱所表达的力量与日本社会以群体为导向的价值观相符。

The rise of kawaii in Japan shows that cuteness can be a bonding force, because it reaches out across gender boundaries and the child–adult divide. Because cuteness evolved as a prompt to care for and socialise children, choosing it as a form of self-expression conveys values based on mutual dependence rather than selfish individualism.56 We could say that kawaii expresses a strength that is commensurate with the group-oriented values of Japanese society.

另一方面,可爱之所以在美国融入了智慧,可能是因为与日本相比,美国社会对自立和个人主义的认知更加积极。美国人更能接受那种带有一丝不落俗套或狡黠叛逆的可爱审美,这反映了人们对其国民性格的普遍共识。这或许也代表着一种超越通常与可爱联系在一起的幼稚特质的力量。

On the other hand, it’s possible that cuteness became infused with cleverness in the US because self-reliance and individualism were seen in a more positive light in that society compared to Japan. Americans were more comfortable with a cute aesthetic that included a note of nonconformity or a hint of cunning rebellion, which reflected a broad consensus about their national character. This may also represent a power that goes beyond the infantile traits usually associated with the cute.

可爱未来会怎样?心理学家入户野宏(他的研究成果让我意识到科学在理解可爱方面的重要性)曾对我说,他认为日本人正被“卡哇伊”过度刺激。如果他是对的,那么日本“可爱”的巅峰时代——始于20世纪70年代Hello Kitty的到来,一直延续到21世纪——或许已经过去了。205

What’s the future of cuteness? Hiroshi Nittono, the psychologist whose work made me realise the importance of science in understanding cuteness, once remarked to me that he thought Japanese people are becoming overstimulated by kawaii. If he’s right, then the era of peak cuteness in Japan, which dates from the arrival of Hello Kitty in the 1970s and has continued well into the twenty-first century, may have passed. 205

即使Hiroshi说得没错,我认为可爱在世界其他地方的兴起才刚刚开始。美式可爱和日式卡哇伊美学构成了一种强大的组合,它激发了一种让我们成为人类的情感。尽管可爱可能带来负面影响,但它打破了藩篱,让我们有机会体验另一种存在——一种让我们少一点自我防备,多一点接纳他人的存在。在一个日益两极分化的世界里,这难道不是一件坏事吗?206

Even if Hiroshi is correct, however, I think the rise of cuteness is only beginning in the rest of the world. The American cute and Japanese kawaii aesthetics make for a powerful combination, one that triggers an emotion that helped make us human. And although it can have negative effects, cuteness breaks down barriers and gives us an opportunity to experience another sort of existence – one in which we guard ourselves a little less and invite others in a little more. In a world that feels increasingly polarised, is this such a bad thing? 206

笔记

Notes

1 Michael P. Masters,《超越米老鼠:延续卡通幼体形态》,海报,美国体质人类学家协会年会,洛杉矶(2020 年),doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.30941.15841。

1 Michael P. Masters, ‘Beyond Mickey Mouse: Perpetuating Cartoon Paedomorphosis’, Poster, American Association of Physical Anthropologists Annual Meeting, Los Angeles (2020), doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.30941.15841.

2 Thomas Lamarre,《物种歧视,第三部分》,第 123 页。

2 Thomas Lamarre, ‘Speciesism, Part III’, p. 123.

3 Joshua Paul Dale 等,《可爱的美学与情感》(伦敦:劳特利奇,2017 年),第 10、11 页。

3 Joshua Paul Dale et al., The Aesthetics and Affects of Cuteness (London: Routledge, 2017), pp. 10, 11.

4 laine Glusac,《如何在旅行中快速交朋友?试试打匹克球》,《纽约时报》(2023 年 1 月 16 日)。

4 laine Glusac, ‘How to Make Fast Friends While Traveling? Try Playing Pickleball’, The New York Times (16 January 2023).

5 Harris,《可爱、古雅、饥饿和浪漫》;另请参阅 Wyman 的《谨防纸杯蛋糕法西斯主义》。241

5 Harris, Cute, Quaint, Hungry and Romantic; see also Wyman, ‘Beware of Cupcake Fascism’. 241

6 Courtney N. Plante 等人,《毛皮科学!国际拟人化研究项目五年研究总结》(安大略省滑铁卢:毛皮科学出版社,2016 年),第 51 页。

6 Courtney N. Plante et al., FurScience! A Summary of Five Years of Research from the International Anthropomorphic Research Project (Waterloo, ON: Fur Science, 2016), p. 51.

7同上,第 63–4、66 页。

7 Ibid., pp. 63–4, 66.

8同上,第 103 页。

8 Ibid., p. 103.

9另一方面,对于愿意独自行动的勇敢的毛茸茸动物来说,只需花费几百美元就可以购买材料,而且有数十个 YouTube 视频可以解释下一步该怎么做。

9 On the other hand, for the intrepid furry willing to go it alone, materials can be procured for a few hundred dollars, and there are dozens of YouTube videos that explain what to do next.

10 Takurō Morinaga,《为了爱情还是金钱:萌经济学的一课》,载《萌宣言:漫画、动画和游戏世界内幕视角》,Patrick W. Galbraith 编(东京:Tuttle Publishing,2014 年),第 127-128 页。

10 Takurō Morinaga, ‘For Love or Money: A Lesson in Moé Economics’, in The Moé Manifesto: An Insider’s look at the Worlds of Manga, Anime, and Gaming, ed. Patrick W. Galbraith (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2014), pp. 127–8.

11《研究结果 2.8:皮草服装》,《皮草科学》furscience.com / research-findings/fandom-participation/2-8-fursuits/(2022 年 11 月 2 日访问)。

11 ‘Research Findings 2.8: Fursuits’, Furscience, furscience.com/research-findings/fandom-participation/2-8-fursuits/ (accessed 2 November 2022).

12研究团队确实发现,50% 的兽迷认为,粉丝群体给他们的生活带来了“美感和审美”。如果问题特别提到“可爱”,结果可能会有所不同。同上,2.10。

12 The research team did find that 50 per cent of furries believe that the fandom brings a ‘sense of beauty and aesthetic to their lives’. If the question had addressed cuteness in particular, the results might have been different. Ibid., 2.10.

13 Plante 等人,FurScience!,p。 107.

13 Plante et al., FurScience!, p. 107.

14 Lee,《越小越好》,第 162 页。

14 Lee, Smaller is Better, p. 162.

15同上,第 1-2、129 页。

15 Ibid., pp. 1–2, 129.

16 Jennifer Robertson,Robo sapiens japanicus(加利福尼亚州伯克利:加州大学出版社,2017 年),第 5 页。

16 Jennifer Robertson, Robo sapiens japanicus (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2017), p. 5.

17 Akinori Kubo,《技术作为中介:论 AIBO 机器人的工程设计和生活过程》,《日本文化人类学评论》第 11 卷(2010 年),第 110-113 页。

17 Akinori Kubo, ‘Technology as Mediation: On the Process of Engineering and Living with the AIBO Robot’, Japanese Review of Cultural Anthropology 11 (2010), pp. 110–13.

18同上,第 113、115 页。

18 Ibid., pp. 113, 115.

19罗伯逊,《日本机器人》,第 19 页。 30.

19 Robertson, Robo sapiens japanicus, p. 30.

20 Kubo,《技术作为中介》,第 115 页。

20 Kubo, ‘Technology as Mediation’, p. 115.

21同上,第 116-19 页。

21 Ibid., pp. 116–19.

22 Justin McCurry,《日本:机器狗在葬礼上获得庄严的佛教送别》,《卫报》(2018 年 5 月 3 日),www.theguardian.com/ world/2018/may/03/japan-robot-dogs-get-solemn-buddhist-send-off-at-funerals (2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。

22 Justin McCurry, ‘Japan: Robot Dogs get Solemn Buddhist Send-off at Funerals’, Guardian (3 May 2018), www.theguardian.com/world/2018/may/03/japan-robot-dogs-get-solemn-buddhist-send-off-at-funerals (accessed 31 October 2022).

23 Maiko Eiraku,《为死去的机器狗举行葬礼》,NHK World Japan(2019 年 1 月 17 日),www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en /news/backstories/346/(2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。242

23 Maiko Eiraku, ‘A funeral for dead robot dogs’, NHK World Japan (17 January 2019), www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en/news/backstories/346/ (accessed 31 October 2022). 242

24 McCurry,“日本:机器狗在葬礼上获得庄严的佛教送别”。

24 McCurry, ‘Japan: Robot Dogs get Solemn Buddhist Send-off at Funerals’.

25 Daniel White 和 Patrick W. Galbraith,《日本新兴的情感科技》,《人类学新闻》(2019 年 1 月 25 日),www.anthropology-news.org/ articles/japans-emerging-emotional-tech/(2022 年 10 月 31 日访问),doi:10.1111/AN.1070。

25 Daniel White and Patrick W. Galbraith, ‘Japan’s Emerging Emotional Tech’, Anthropology News (25 January 2019), www.anthropology-news.org/articles/japans-emerging-emotional-tech/ (accessed 31 October 2022), doi:10.1111/AN.1070.

26 “公司信息 - aibo”,索尼www.sony.com/en/SonyInfo /sony_ai/aibo.html(2022 年 10 月 27 日访问)。

26 ‘Corporate Info – aibo’, Sony, www.sony.com/en/SonyInfo/sony_ai/aibo.html (accessed 27 October 2022).

27这句口号出现在 LOVOT 网站上:groove-x.com/en/(2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。

27 This slogan appears on the LOVOT website: groove-x.com/en/ (accessed 31 October 2022).

28 “全身”,LOVOT,lovot.life/en/technology/(2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。

28 ‘Full Body’, LOVOT, lovot.life/en/technology/ (accessed 31 October 2022).

29 groove-x.com/team/

29 groove-x.com/team/.

30 Daniel White,《LOVOT 的未来:日本的情绪模型与情感实验之间》,鸭嘴兽:Castac 博客(2019 年 7 月 23 日),blog.castac.org/ 2019/07/the -future-of-lovot-between-models-of-emotion-and-experiments-in-affect-in-japan/(2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。

30 Daniel White, ‘The Future of LOVOT: Between Models of Emotion and Experiments in Affect in Japan’, Platypus: The Castac Blog (23 July 2019), blog.castac.org/2019/07/the-future-of-lovot-between-models-of-emotion-and-experiments-in-affect-in-japan/ (accessed 31 October 2022).

31 Sherman 和 Haidt,《可爱与厌恶》,第 2 页。

31 Sherman and Haidt, ‘Cuteness and Disgust’, p. 2.

32 Galbraith,《寻求替代方案》,第 373 页。

32 Galbraith, ‘Seeking an alternative, p. 373.

33 Patrick W. Galbraith,《日本的御宅族与想象力的斗争》(北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2019 年),第 17 页。

33 Patrick W. Galbraith, Otaku and the Struggle for Imagination in Japan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019), p. 17.

34《日本国家旅游局将与世界首位虚拟 YouTuber Kizuna AI 合作开展“来日本”活动》,日本国家旅游局纽约分局(2018 年),www.prnewswire.com/ news-releases/jnto-to-launchcome-to-japan -campaign-with-kizuna-ai-the-worlds-first-virtual-youtuber-300608037.html(2022 年 10 月 30 日访问)。

34 ‘JNTO to Launch “Come to Japan” Campaign With Kizuna AI, the World’s First Virtual YouTuber’, Japan National Tourism Organization New York (2018), www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/jnto-to-launchcome-to-japan-campaign-with-kizuna-ai-the-worlds-first-virtual-youtuber-300608037.html (accessed 30 October 2022).

35 Pavel Alpeyev 和 Yuki Furukawa,《绊爱等虚拟主播如何成为日本 YouTube 上最耀眼的明星》,《日本时报》(2019 年 9 月 22 日)。

35 Pavel Alpeyev and Yuki Furukawa, ‘How virtual streamers like Kizuna Ai became Japan’s biggest YouTube attraction’, The Japan Times (22 September 2019).

36《Nehorin Pohorin虚拟可爱女孩:令人惊叹的虚拟世界就在这里》,NHK(2020 年 1 月 8 日),www2.nhk.or.jp/ hensei/program/p.cgi?area=001&date=2020-01-08&ch=31&eid=08210&f= 3587。

36 ‘Nehorin Pohorin Virtual Cute Girls: An amazing virtual world is here’, NHK (8 January 2020), www2.nhk.or.jp/hensei/program/p.cgi?area=001&date=2020-01-08&ch=31&eid=08210&f=3587.

37 Zhicong Lu 等人,“比真人直播主播更可爱:了解御宅族社区如何与虚拟 YouTuber 互动并对他们进行感知”,CHI 计算机系统人为因素会议 (CHI '21),(日本横滨,2021 年 5 月 8 日至 13 日),doi.org/ 10.1145/3411764.3445660 。243

37 Zhicong Lu et al., ‘More Kawaii than a Real-Person Live Streamer: Understanding How the Otaku Community Engages with and Perceives Virtual YouTubers’, CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems (CHI ’21), (Yokohama, Japan, 8–13 May 2021), doi.org/10.1145/3411764.3445660. 243

38 “虚拟 YouTuber 今天超过一万六千人”(“Bācharu YouTuber, honjitsu 1 man 3 sen-ri o toppa”),UserLocal(2021 年 10 月 19 日),www.userlocal.jp/ press/20211019vs/(2022 年 10 月 30 日访问)。

38 ‘Virtual YouTubers Surpass Sixteen Thousand Today’ (‘Bācharu YouTuber, honjitsu 1 man 3 sen-ri o toppa’), UserLocal (19 October 2021), www.userlocal.jp/press/20211019vs/ (accessed 30 October 2022).

39 Lu 等人,“比真人直播主播更可爱”。

39 Lu et al., ‘More Kawaii than a Real-Person Live Streamer’.

40 WA Adlan,《Netflix 为其动漫部门推出 Vtuber 吉祥物》,Gamer Braves (2021),www.gamerbraves.com/netflix -introduces-vtuber-mascot-for-its-anime-division/(2022 年 10 月 30 日访问)。

40 W. A. Adlan, ‘Netflix Introduces Vtuber Mascot for its Anime Division’, Gamer Braves (2021), www.gamerbraves.com/netflix-introduces-vtuber-mascot-for-its-anime-division/ (accessed 30 October 2022).

41 Anna Birna Turner,《流媒体作为虚拟存在:VTubers 与身份之间的复杂关系》,硕士论文(马尔默大学,2022 年 6 月 5 日),第 29 页。

41 Anna Birna Turner, Streaming as a Virtual Being: The Complex Relationship Between VTubers and Identity, Master’s thesis (Malmö University, 5 June 5 2022), p. 29.

42 Gigguk,“我迷上了 VTubers,现在后悔了一切”,YouTubewww.youtube.com/watch?v= UJ9mH4YC6MY(2022 年 10 月 30 日访问)。

42 Gigguk, ‘I Got Addicted to VTubers and Regret Everything’, YouTube, www.youtube.com/watch?v=UJ9mH4YC6MY (accessed 30 October 2022).

43 Liudmila Bredikhina 和 Agnès Giard,《成为虚拟美女:日本的数字变装》,《Convergence》(加州纽伯里帕克:SAGE 出版社,2022 年),doi:10.1177/13548565221074812。

43 Liudmila Bredikhina and Agnès Giard, ‘Becoming a Virtual Cutie: Digital Cross-Dressing in Japan’, Convergence (Newbury Park, CA: SAGE Publications, 2022), doi:10.1177/13548565221074812.

44 Liudmila Bredikhina,《Babiniku:虚拟表演背后的真相》,《当代日本研究电子杂志》 22,2(2022 年 8 月 17 日)。

44 Liudmila Bredikhina, ‘Babiniku: What Lies Behind the Virtual Performance’, Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies 22, 2 (17 August 2022).

45同上。

45 Ibid.

46 Morten L. Kringelbach 等人,《可爱的东西如何劫持我们的大脑并驱动行为》,《对话》(2016 年 7 月 4 日),theconversation.com /how-cute-things-hijack-our-brains-and-drive-behaviour-61942 (2022 年 10 月 31 日访问)。

46 Morten L. Kringelbach et al., ‘How cute things hijack our brains and drive behaviour’, The Conversation (4 July 2016), theconversation.com/how-cute-things-hijack-our-brains-and-drive-behaviour-61942 (accessed 31 October 2022).

47同上。

47 Ibid.

48 Kringelbach 等人,《论可爱》,第 9 页。

48 Kringelbach et al., ‘On cuteness’, p. 9.

49 Tyler Colp 和 Nico Deyo,《虚拟主播产业:公司化、劳动与可爱》,Vice(2020 年 12 月 23 日),www.vice.com/ en/article/akdj3z/the-vtuber-industry-corporatization-labor-and -kawaii。另请参阅 Lu 等人,《比真人主播更可爱》。

49 Tyler Colp and Nico Deyo, ‘The Vtuber Industry: Corporatization, Labor, and Kawaii’, Vice (23 December 2020), www.vice.com/en/article/akdj3z/the-vtuber-industry-corporatization-labor-and-kawaii. See also Lu et al., ‘More Kawaii than a Real-Person Live Streamer’.

50 Ethan Gach,《AI 控制的 VTuber 在 Twitch 上直播游戏,否认大屠杀:Neuro-sama 喜欢玩 Minecraft 并且不按剧本进行》,Kotaku(2023 年 1 月 6 日),kotaku.com/vtuber -twitch-holocaust-denial-minecraft -ai-chatgpt-1849960527(2023 年 1 月 23 日访问)。

50 Ethan Gach, ‘AI-Controlled VTuber Streams Games On Twitch, Denies Holocaust: Neuro-sama likes to play Minecraft and go off-script’, Kotaku (6 January 2023), kotaku.com/vtuber-twitch-holocaust-denial-minecraft-ai-chatgpt-1849960527 (accessed 23 January 2023).

51 RO Kwon,《别再称亚洲女性可爱了》,《纽约 时报》(2019 年 3 月 23 日),www.nytimes.com/ 2019/03/23/opinion/sunday/calling-asian-women-adorable.html 。244

51 R. O. Kwon, ‘Stop Calling Asian Women Adorable’, The New York 244Times (23 March 2019), www.nytimes.com/2019/03/23/opinion/sunday/calling-asian-women-adorable.html.

52 Noriko Murai,“卡哇伊的谱系”,载于 Noriko Murai 等人编辑,平成时代的日本(1989-2019 年),(伦敦:Routledge,2022 年),第 14 页。 249.

52 Noriko Murai, ‘The Genealogy of Kawaii’, in Noriko Murai et al., eds, Japan in the Heisei Era (1989–2019), (London: Routledge, 2022), p. 249.

53 Simon May,《可爱的力量》(新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2019 年),第 127 页。

53 Simon May, The Power of Cute (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019), p. 127.

54 Leila Madge,《利用“可爱”:战后日本新秩序中的社会关系美学》,《日本研究》 9, 1(1998 年),第 167 页。

54 Leila Madge, ‘Capitalizing on “Cuteness”: The Aesthetics of Social Relations in a New Postwar Japanese Order’, Japanstudien 9, 1 (1998), p. 167.

55同上,第 164 页。

55 Ibid., p. 164.

56 Slade,《当代日本的可爱男人》,第 79 页。

56 Slade, ‘Cute men in contemporary Japan’, p. 79.

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我衷心感谢Nick Humphrey和Ed Lake两位出色的编辑,他们在漫长的写作过程中提供了至关重要的指导。我还要感谢执行编辑Georgina Difford,她将手稿悉心指导直至出版。Jon Petre在获得插图复制许可方面提供了巨大的帮助。还要感谢Mandy Greenfield在手稿编辑方面的辛勤工作。

I am deeply grateful to Nick Humphrey and Ed Lake, both wonderful editors whose superb guidance was essential through the long writing process. I’d also like to thank Georgina Difford, managing editor, for shepherding the manuscript through to publication. Jon Petre was a tremendous help in gaining permission to reproduce the illustrations. Thanks also to Mandy Greenfield for her painstaking work copy-editing the manuscript.

我要感谢户田幸子(Yukiko Toda)为每一章绘制了精美的插图,并分享了她作为时装设计师和艺术家的专业知识。末永幸步(Yukiho Suenaga)的帮助对于了解日本艺术史至关重要。我非常感谢雪莱·沃尔舍(Shelley Volsche)、西蒙·梅(Simon May)和艾伦·科恩·马德雷(Ellen Cone Maddrey)阅读手稿并分享他们的智慧和见解。加里·克罗斯(Gary Cross)、安吉拉·索比(Angela Sorby)、米奥·布莱斯(Mio Bryce)、埃里卡·金坂(Erica Kanesaka)、凯特·泰勒-琼斯(Kate Taylor-Jones)、多尔·希尔顿(Dor Shilton)、朱莉娅·莱达(Julia Leyda)和斯蒂芬妮·霍华德-史密斯(Stephanie Howard-Smith)也为本书的不同章节提供了宝贵的评论和建议。尼尔·斯坦伯格(Neil Steinberg)慷慨地为写作过程提供了建议。入户野宏(Hiroshi Nittono)提供了精彩的对话和专业知识。

I’d like to thank Yukiko Toda for creating the charming illustrations that grace each chapter and for sharing her expertise as a fashion designer and artist. Yukiho Suenaga’s assistance was invaluable in navigating Japanese art history. I am greatly indebted to Shelley Volsche, Simon May and Ellen Cone Maddrey for reading the manuscript and offering their intelligence and insight. Gary Cross, Angela Sorby, Mio Bryce, Erica Kanesaka, Kate Taylor-Jones, Dor Shilton, Julia Leyda and Stephanie Howard-Smith also provided valuable comments and suggestions on different chapters. Neil Steinberg kindly offered advice on the writing process. Hiroshi Nittono offered stimulating conversation and specialist knowledge.

感谢JAB犬科动物教育与保护中心的艾米和大卫·巴塞特慷慨地抽出时间,让我有机会与他们的西伯利亚狐狸见面。大英博物馆的露西亚·里诺尔菲和米歇拉·博纳迪提供了一次内容丰富​​的虚拟导览,让我领略了博物馆馆藏的可爱藏品。华盛顿大学图书馆珍本馆长桑德拉·克鲁帕也非常慷慨地贡献了她的时间和专业知识。最后,我要感谢我的表妹莎拉和她的朋友们热情地邀请我加入毛茸茸的动物爱好者的世界。

Thanks to Amy and David Bassett of the JAB Canid Education and Conservation Center for being generous with their time and for allowing me to meet their Siberian foxes. Lucia Rinolfi and Michela Bonardi at the British Museum provided a wide-ranging virtual tour of the cute items in the museum’s collection. Sandra Kroupa, rare-book curator at the University of Washington Library, was also extremely generous with her time and expertise. Finally, I’d like to thank my cousin Sarah and her friends for kindly inviting me into the world of the furry fandom.

本书的研究部分由日本学术振兴会KAKENHI资助,资助编号JP20K00145。本文表达的任何观点、发现、结论或建议均为作者本人观点,并不一定265反映中央大学、日本学术振兴会或文部科学省的观点。

The research that supported this book was funded in part by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science KAKENHI Grant Number JP20K00145. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily 265reflect the views of Chuo University, JSPS or the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology.

斜体字的页面引用表示图像。

Page references in italics indicate images.

  1. “ acute ” , cute的 词源 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
  2. ‘acute’, etymology of cute and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  3. 娃娃的盛宴(女孩杂志)1
  4. A Doll’s Banquet (girls’ magazine) 1
  5. 肾上腺 1,2
  6. adrenal glands 1, 2
  7. 飞机、皮卡丘卡通装饰 1
  8. aeroplanes, Pikachu cartoons adorn 1
  9. 伊索:《狐狸与乌鸦》 1
  10. Aesop: ‘The Fox and the Crow’ 1
  11. 无表情表达 1
  12. affectless expression 1
  13. 所属 机构 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
  14. affiliation 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  15. 非裔美国人 1
  16. African Americans 1
  17. 侵略 、 驯化 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16
  18. aggression, domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
  19. AIBO机器狗 1、2
  20. AIBO robot dog 1, 2
  21. 艾肯,乔治 1
  22. Aiken, George 1
  23. 阿尔科克,卢瑟福爵士 1
  24. Alcock, Sir Rutherford 1
  25. 阿尔法 个体1,2
  26. alpha individuals 1, 2
  27. 游乐设施 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10
  28. amusement 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
  29. 双性 1,2
  30. androgyny 1, 2
  31. 安圭索拉,索福尼斯巴:《国际象棋比赛 1》
  32. Anguissola, Sofonisba: The Chess Game 1
  33. 动物
    1. 拟 人 化 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11
    2. 婴儿 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
    3. 咖啡馆 1
    4. 卡通 1,2
    5. 看到猫 孩子 可爱 出现 和1,2,3,4,5
    6. 子模式和 1234
    7. 狗驯化驯化
    8. 狐狸狐狸
    9. “毛茸茸” 1 , 2
    10. 日本民间信仰和 1
    11. 模因和 1
    12. 俏皮,日本和西方艺术和 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 , 1415 16
    13. 减少和 1 , 2
    14. 机器人 1
    15. 1 , 2 , 3
    16. 社会印记机制
    17. 填充 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    18. 《枕草子》《1》《2》《3》《4》
    19. utsukushi,动物家族的描述为 1
    20. 百搭 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16
  34. animals
    1. anthropomorphism 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
    2. baby 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    3. cafés 1
    4. cartoon 1, 2
    5. cats see cats children, emergence of cuteness in and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    6. child schema and 1, 2, 3, 4
    7. dogs see dogs domestication see domestication
    8. fox see fox
    9. ‘furries’ 1, 2
    10. Japanese folk belief and 1
    11. memes and 1
    12. playful, Japanese and Western art and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
    13. reduction and 1, 2
    14. robot 1
    15. small 1, 2, 3
    16. social imprinting mechanism in 1
    17. stuffed 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    18. The Pillow Book and 1, 2, 3, 4
    19. utsukushi, descriptions of animal families as 1
    20. wild 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
    21. wolf see wolf
  35. 动漫 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
  36. anime 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
  37. 炭疽菌 1,2
  38. Anthrocon 1, 2
  39. 拟 人 化 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11
  40. anthropomorphism 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
  41. 青木美沙子 1
  42. Aoki, Misako 1
  43. 东京青山公寓 1
  44. Aoyama Apartments, Tokyo 1
  45. 东京青山陵园 1
  46. Aoyama cemetery, Tokyo 1
  47. 阿芙罗狄蒂(女神) 1
  48. Aphrodite (goddess) 1
  49. 苹果 1 , 2
  50. Apple 1, 2
  51. 菲利普·阿里埃斯:童年的几个世纪1、2
  52. Ariés, Philippe: Centuries of Childhood 1, 2
  53. 亚里士多德 1
  54. Aristotle 1
  55. 小臂 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  56. arms, small 1, 2, 3, 4
  57. 陆军,日本 1
  58. army, Japanese 1
  59. 亚瑟,TH 1
  60. Arthur, T. H. 1
  61. 人工选择 1、2、3
  62. artificial selection 1, 2, 3
  63. 雅利安人 1
  64. ‘Aryan’ people 1
  65. 阿童木 ( Tetsuwan Atomu ) 1 , 2 , 3
  66. Astro Boy (Tetsuwan Atomu) 1, 2, 3
  67. 铁臂阿童木(动漫节目)1
  68. Astro Boy (anime programme) 1
  69. 头像, 数字 1、2、3
  70. avatars, digital 1, 2, 3
  1. 婴儿
    1. 动物 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
    2. 婴儿 参见儿童式 , 婴儿 展示1、2、3、4、5、6、7
    3. 儿语 1
    4. 子架构和 123456
    5. 丘比特 1、2
    6. 可爱的进化 1
    7. 眼球运动和 1
    8. 1
    9. 新生儿 1
    10. 种族和 1
    11. 拨浪鼓和 1
    12. 社会印记和 1
    13. “太可爱了!” 1
    14. 1
    15. 尤达 1
  2. babies
    1. animal 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    2. baby schema. See child schema baby shows 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
    3. baby talk 1
    4. child schema and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    5. cupids 1, 2
    6. evolution of cuteness in 1
    7. eye movements and 1
    8. mouths of 1
    9. newborn 1
    10. race and 1
    11. rattles and 1
    12. social imprinting and 1
    13. ‘That’s so baby!’ 1
    14. utsukushi and 1
    15. Yoda 1
  3. 狒狒 1
  4. baboons 1
  5. 婴儿潮一代 1
  6. baby-boomers 1
  7. 婴儿图式。参见儿童图式银行卡1
  8. baby schema. See child schema bank cards 1
  9. 巴登,路易斯安那州 1 , 2 , 3
  10. Barden, L. A. 1, 2, 3
  11. 巴纳姆, PT 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
  12. Barnum, P. T. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
  13. 巴纳姆美国博物馆 1 , 2
  14. Barnum’s American Museum 1, 2
  15. 巴塞特,艾米 12
  16. Bassett, Amy 1, 2
  17. 巴塞特,戴夫 1 , 2
  18. Bassett, Dave 1, 2
  19. 贝茨,布兰奇 1
  20. Bates, Blanche 1
  21. 美女 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  22. beauty 1, 2, 3, 4
  23. 招财 模型 1、2
  24. beckoning cat figures 1, 2
  25. 别利亚耶夫,德米特里 1 , 2 , 3
  26. Belyaev, Dmitri 1, 2, 3
  27. 贝蒂,威廉·亨利·韦斯特 1
  28. Betty, William Henry West 1
  29. 生物错觉 1
  30. biological illusion 1
  31. “白板”,儿童的概念(tabula rasa1
  32. ‘blank slate’, concept of child as (tabula rasa) 1
  33. 区块经济 1
  34. block economy 1
  35. 盆景 1
  36. bonsai 1
  37. 波士顿环球报 1
  38. Boston Globe 1
  39. 男孩们
    1. 头像 1
    2. 男子乐队 1 , 2
    3. 天真无邪的 孩子,浪漫形象和 1、2
    4. 漫画和 1 , 2 , 3
    5. 圆润的写作风格和 1
    6. 1的不羁狂野一面
  40. boys
    1. avatars 1
    2. boy bands 1, 2
    3. innocent child, Romantic image of and 1, 2
    4. manga and 1, 2, 3
    5. rounded style of writing and 1
    6. unruly wild side of 1
  41. 布拉德肖,约翰:《狗的感觉 》1
  42. Bradshaw, John: Dog Sense 1
    1. 胶囊, 1占主导地位
    2. 子 模式 1、2
    3. 合作儿童保育和 1
    4. 可爱的物体,感知和 1
    5. 驯化和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    6. 幼态持续和 1 , 2 , 3
    7. 神经嵴和 1
    8. 新生儿和 1
  43. brain
    1. capsule, predominance of 1
    2. child schema and 1, 2
    3. cooperative childcare and 1
    4. cute objects, perception of and 1
    5. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4
    6. neoteny and 1, 2, 3
    7. neural crest and 1
    8. newborn babies and 1
  44. 明亮的眼睛(电影)1
  45. Bright Eyes (film) 1
  46. 布朗尼 1
  47. Brownies 1
  48. 彼得·勃鲁盖尔:儿童游戏 1
  49. Bruegel, Pieter: Children’s Games 1
  50. 佛教 1、2、3、4、5
  51. Buddhism 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  52. 兔八哥 1
  53. Bugs Bunny 1
  54. 子弹列车,Hello Kitty 图案装饰 1
  55. bullet trains, Hello Kitty motifs decorate 1
  56. 巴特,阿尔弗雷德 1
  57. Butt, Alfred 1
  1. 剑桥郡民俗博物馆 1
  2. Cambridge & County Folk Museum 1
  3. 金宝汤儿童 1
  4. Campbell Soup kid 1
  5. 软骨,发育 1
  6. cartilage, development of 1
  7. 动画片 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
  8. cartoons 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    1. 招财猫雕像,豪德寺,东京 1 , 2
    2. 卡通 1
    3. 驯化和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    4. 眼睛 1
    5. Hello Kitty 人物 1
    6. 神经嵴 1
    7. 花斑着色 1
    8. 机器人 1、2
    9. 选择性育种和可爱 合二为一
    10. 西格妮 1、2
    11. 歌川国芳和 1
  9. cats
    1. beckoning cat figures, Gotokuji Temple, Tokyo 1, 2
    2. cartoon 1
    3. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    4. eyes 1
    5. Hello Kitty characters 1
    6. neural crest 1
    7. piebald coloration 1
    8. robots and 1, 2
    9. selective breeding and cuteness in 1
    10. Sigourney and 1, 2
    11. Utagawa Kuniyoshi and 1
  10. cauaij , kawaii的词源和1
  11. cauaij, etymology of kawaii and 1
  12. 西伯利亚毛皮动物中央研究实验室
  13. Central Research Laboratory on Fur-Breeding Animals, Siberia 1
  14. 特征 1
  15. characterisation 1
  16. 脸颊鼓起 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6
  17. cheeks, bulging 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  18. 樱花 1、2
  19. cherry blossoms 1, 2
  20. 孩子/童年
    1. 艺术,1、2、3出现的 可爱 孩子
    2. 婴儿认为婴儿是“一张白纸”,认为孩子是(白板1
    3. 动画片 和 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8
    4. 儿童模式 , Lorenz 的 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20、21、22、23
    5. “所有年龄段的儿童” 1
    6. 童年的概念, 1的起源
    7. 合作儿童保育 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    8. “儿童崇拜” 1
    9. 丘比特和 1 , 2
    10. '可爱' 字和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    11. 娃娃,看看娃娃的眼睛1
    12. 纯真 , 童年 的 概念1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
    13. 日本是儿童的 天堂/ 国家1、2
    14. 劳工,童工 - 1 , 2
    15. 漫画和 1
    16. 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11恶作剧 / 淘气 ​
    17. 死亡率 1
    18. 幼态持续,参见幼态持续怀旧和1 , 2
    19. 原始儿童, 1的概念
    20. 神童 1
    21. 种族主义和 1 , 2
    22. 浪漫主义运动和 1
    23. 泰迪熊 1、2
    24. 临时性质的小 1
    25. “ 儿童的世纪 1、2
    26. 《枕草子》《1》《2》《3》《4》《5》
    27. 汤姆拇指婚礼 1
  21. child/childhood
    1. art, emergence of cute children in 1, 2, 3
    2. babies see babies ‘blank slate’, concept of child as (tabula rasa) 1
    3. cartoons and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
    4. child schema, Lorenz’s 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23
    5. ‘children of all ages’ 1
    6. concept of childhood, origins of 1
    7. cooperative childcare 1, 2, 3, 4
    8. ‘cult of the child’ 1
    9. cupids and 1, 2
    10. ‘cute’ word and 1, 2, 3, 4
    11. dolls and see dolls eyes of 1
    12. innocence, concept of childhood 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
    13. Japan as paradise for/nation of children 1, 2
    14. labour, child- 1, 2
    15. manga and 1
    16. mischief/naughtiness in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
    17. mortality rates 1
    18. neoteny and see neoteny nostalgia and 1, 2
    19. primitive child, notion of 1
    20. prodigies 1
    21. racism and 1, 2
    22. Romantic movement and 1
    23. teddy bear and 1, 2
    24. temporary nature of small 1
    25. ‘the century of the child’ 1, 2
    26. The Pillow Book and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    27. Tom Thumb weddings 1
  22. 儿童模式 , Lorenz 的 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20、21、22、23
  23. child schema, Lorenz’s 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23
  24. 黑猩猩 1、2、3、4
  25. chimpanzees 1, 2, 3, 4
  26. 中国 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  27. China 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  28. 基督教 1、2、3、4、5、6
  29. Christianity 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  30. 美国民权运动 1
  31. Civil Rights movement, US 1
  32. 聪明 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13
  33. cleverness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
  34. 机械自动人偶(karakuri ningyō1
  35. clockwork automata dolls (karakuri ningyō) 1
  36. 认知评估阶段 1
  37. cognitive appraisal period 1
  38. 柯勒律治,塞缪尔·泰勒 1
  39. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 1
  40. 颜色 1、2、3、4、5
    1. 毛皮和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    2. 日本艺术和 1 , 2 , 3
    3. 《枕上书》1
  41. colour 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    1. fur and 1, 2, 3, 4
    2. Japanese art and 1, 2, 3
    3. The Pillow Book and 1
  42. 漫画 1、2、3、4
  43. comic strips 1, 2, 3, 4
  44. 避孕套,拟人化 1
  45. condoms, anthropomorphic 1
  46. 刚果1,2
  47. Congo River 1, 2
  48. 施工 障碍物,“cutified 1、2
  49. construction barriers, ‘cutified’ 1, 2
  50. 合作养殖 1
  51. cooperative breeding 1
  52. 合作儿童保育 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  53. cooperative childcare 1, 2, 3, 4
  54. 合作眼假说 1
  55. cooperative eye hypothesis 1
  56. 科平格,洛娜 1 , 2
  57. Coppinger, Lorna 1, 2
  58. 科平格,雷 1 , 2
  59. Coppinger, Ray 1, 2
  60. 风骚 1,2
  61. coquettishness 1, 2
  62. 角色扮演 1 , 2
  63. cosplay 1, 2
  64. 反主流文化 1
  65. counter-culture 1
  66. 考克斯,帕尔默 1
  67. Cox, Palmer 1
  68. 颅面比例 1
  69. craniofacial ratios 1
  70. 颅骨 1
  71. cranium 1
  72. 克罗斯,加里 1 , 2
  73. Cross, Gary 1, 2
  74. 狡猾 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  75. cunning 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  76. 丘比特 1、2、3、4、5、6
  77. Cupid 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  78. 卷曲
    1. 头发 1 , 2
    2. 反面 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  79. curly
    1. hair 1, 2
    2. tails 1, 2, 3, 4
  80. 卷发顶(电影)1
  81. Curly Top (film) 1
  82. 可爱的
    1. 'acute' 和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
    2. 动物和动物
    3. 个别 动物类型美国美国特征常见1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20、21
    4. 孩子们,看看孩子们
    5. 聪明和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13
    6. 狡猾和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
    7. 可爱 的 研究可爱科学1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
    8. 驯化 ,参见驯化词源 / 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14
    9. 进化,并看到进化的未来1
    10. 日本,看看日本的可爱看看可爱的恶作剧/淘气和12345678910111213 、 141516、 17
    11. 1的现代含义
    12. 幼态,参见幼态社会行为,参见社会
    13. 行为
    14. 解锁 1
  83. cute
    1. ‘acute’ and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
    2. animals and see animals and
    3. individual type of animal America and see United States characteristics, common 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21
    4. children and see children
    5. cleverness and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
    6. cunning and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
    7. Cute Studies and cute science 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    8. domestication and see domestication etymology/word 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14
    9. evolution and see evolution future of 1
    10. Japan and see Japan kawaii and see kawaii mischief/naughtiness and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17
    11. modern meaning of 1
    12. neotony and see neotony social behaviour and see social
    13. behaviour
    14. unlocking 1
  84. 可爱选择 1
  85. cuteness selection 1
  86. 可爱地震 1
  87. Cutequake 1
  88. 可爱 研究 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
  89. Cute Studies 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
  90. 可爱研究拟议期刊)1、2
  91. Cute Studies (proposed journal) 1, 2
  1. “ 爸爸的女儿 1、2
  2. ‘Daddy’s girl’ 1, 2
  3. Daliot-Bul,Michal 1
  4. Daliot-Bul, Michal 1
  5. 达尔文,查尔斯 1
    1. 人类 由来1、2、3、4、5
    2. 无意识 选择 1、2
  6. Darwin, Charles 1
    1. The Descent of Man 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    2. unconscious selection and 1, 2
  7. 匹兹堡大卫·劳伦斯会议中心 1
  8. David L. Lawrence Convention Center, Pittsburgh 1
  9. 德加,埃德加 1 , 2
  10. Degas, Edgar 1, 2
  11. 抑郁症 1
  12. depression 1
  13. 贾里德·戴蒙德 1
  14. Diamond, Jared 1
  15. 迪士尼 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8
  16. Disney 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
  17. 迪士尼,沃尔特 12
  18. Disney, Walt 1, 2
  19. DNA 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
  20. DNA 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  21. 娃娃
    1. 婴儿秀和 1
    2. 佛教寺庙和 1
    3. 儿童游戏1
    4. 发条自动机 1
    5. 日本邪教和 1 , 2 , 3
    6. 女儿节(女儿 1、2
    7. 丘比 1 , 2
    8. 中原和 1
    9. 拉格迪·安妮 1
    10. 俏皮的幽默感,美国人
    11. 制造商和 1
    12. 秀兰·邓波儿 1
    13. 西格妮 1、2
    14. 泰迪熊和 1
    15. 《枕上书》1
  22. dolls
    1. baby shows and 1
    2. Buddhist temples and 1
    3. Children’s Games and 1
    4. clockwork automata 1
    5. cult of Japan and 1, 2, 3
    6. Doll Festival, The (hina matsuri) 1, 2
    7. Kewpie 1, 2
    8. Nakahara and 1
    9. Raggedy Ann 1
    10. saucy sense of humour, American
    11. manufacturers and 1
    12. Shirley Temple 1
    13. Sigourney and 1, 2
    14. teddy bears and 1
    15. The Pillow Book and 1
    1. 与人类的联系 1
    2. 墓葬 1
    3. 驯化 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13
    4. 眼睛 1
    5. 狐狸和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10
    6. 毛皮 1
    7. 公 1、2、3、4
    8. 日本 艺术 和 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8
    9. 哈巴狗 1 , 2
    10. 旁注和 1
    11. 幼态持续 1
    12. 宠物 收养理论1、2、3
    13. 小狗 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20、21、22、23
    14. 机器人 1、2
    15. 垃圾 理论1、2、3、4
    16. 选择性育种和可爱 合二为一
  23. dogs
    1. bond with humans 1
    2. burials 1
    3. domestication 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
    4. eyes 1
    5. fox and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
    6. fur 1
    7. Hachiko 1, 2, 3, 4
    8. Japanese art and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
    9. lapdogs 1, 2
    10. marginalia and 1
    11. neoteny 1
    12. pet-adoption theory and 1, 2, 3
    13. puppies 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23
    14. robot 1, 2
    15. rubbish-dump theory and 1, 2, 3, 4
    16. selective breeding and cuteness in 1
  24. 驯化
    1. 阿尔法男性, 1的神话
    2. 粘合和 1
    3. 狗驯化 综合症 1、2、3、4、5、6
    4. 耳朵,软盘和 1234567
    5. 眼睛和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11
    6. 狐狸,看看狐狸友好基因和1
    7. 毛皮和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10
    8. 凝视,相互和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    9. 头部形状和 123456789
    10. 头部尺寸和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    11. 本能释放机制 1
    12. 岛屿规则和 1
    13. 钳口,缩短和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    14. 语言和 1
    15. 幼态张力,参见幼态张力神经嵴和1 , 2 , 3
    16. 宠物 收养理论 1、2、3
    17. 垃圾 理论 1、2、3、4
    18. 自我驯化 假说 1、2、3、4
    19. 西伯利亚银狐 实验 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
    20. 社会印记和 1 , 2 , 3
    21. 社会 阶段 1、2、3、4
    22. 齿数1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9​ ​
    23. 无意识选择 1 , 2
    24. 狼和 1
    25. 斑马和 1
  25. domestication
    1. alpha male, myth of 1
    2. bonding and 1
    3. dogs see dogs domestication syndrome 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    4. ears, floppy and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
    5. eyes and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
    6. fox and see fox friendliness gene and 1
    7. fur and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
    8. gazing, mutual and 1, 2, 3, 4
    9. head shape and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    10. head size and 1, 2, 3, 4
    11. instinctual releasing mechanism 1
    12. Island Rule and 1
    13. jaws, shortening of and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    14. language and 1
    15. neotony and see neotony neural crest and 1, 2, 3
    16. pet-adoption theory 1, 2, 3
    17. rubbish-dump theory 1, 2, 3, 4
    18. self-domestication hypothesis 1, 2, 3, 4
    19. Siberian silver fox experiment 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
    20. social imprinting and 1, 2, 3
    21. socialisation period 1, 2, 3, 4
    22. teeth and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    23. unconscious selection 1, 2
    24. wolves and 1
    25. zebras and 1
  26. 多纳泰罗 1
  27. Donatello 1
  28. Dugatkin,Lee Alan:《如何驯服狐狸和养狗)》 1
  29. Dugatkin, Lee Alan: How to Tame a Fox (and Build a Dog) 1
  1. 耳朵 1、2、3、4、5、6
  2. ears 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  3. 软盘 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
  4. floppy 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  5. 日本江户 1
    1. 参阅 东京江户时代1、2、3、4
  6. Edo, Japan 1
    1. See also Tokyo Edo period 1, 2, 3, 4
  7. 翡翠城动漫展 1
  8. Emerald City Comic Con 1
  9. 表情符号 1、2、3
  10. emoji 1, 2, 3
  11. 启蒙 1、2、3
  12. Enlightenment 1, 2, 3
  13. 爱神 1
  14. Eros 1
  15. 伊特鲁里亚狼 ( Canis etruscus ) 1
  16. Etruscan wolf (Canis etruscus) 1
  17. 欧洲 , 可爱的 发展 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10
  18. Europe, development of cuteness in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
  19. 进化
    1. 米老鼠致敬 ” 1、2、3、4、5、6
    2. 阿尔法男性, 1的神话
    3. 粘合和 1
    4. 达尔文和看到达尔文,查尔斯狗看到狗驯化和看到驯化眼睛和1
    5. 印记和 1 , 2 , 3
    6. 语言和 1
    7. 洛伦兹和 1 , 2 , 3
    8. 进步之路 1
    9. 尼安德特人和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    10. 幼态持续,参见幼态持续神经嵴,参见神经嵴新生儿和1
    11. 宠物 收养理论 1、2、3
    12. 垃圾 理论 1、2、3、4
    13. 自我驯化 假说1、2、3、4
    14. 社会 阶段 1、2、3、4
    15. 非专业领域专家 1
  20. evolution
    1. ‘A Biological Homage to Mickey Mouse’ and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    2. alpha male, myth of 1
    3. bonding and 1
    4. Darwin and see Darwin, Charles dogs see dogs domestication and see domestication eyes and 1
    5. imprinting and 1, 2, 3
    6. language and 1
    7. Lorenz and 1, 2, 3
    8. March of Progress 1
    9. Neanderthals and 1, 2, 3, 4
    10. neoteny and see neoteny neural crest and see neural crest newborn babies and 1
    11. pet-adoption theory 1, 2, 3
    12. rubbish-dump theory 1, 2, 3, 4
    13. self-domestication hypothesis and 1, 2, 3, 4
    14. socialisation period 1, 2, 3, 4
    15. specialists in non-specialisation 1
    16. wolf see wolf
  21. 眼睛
    1. 婴儿和 1
    2. 合作眼假说 1
    3. 驯化和 123456789101112
    4. 细长 1 , 2
    5. 眉毛 1、2、3、4
    6. 眼神接触/注视,相互 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    7. “咕咕” 1
    8. 洛伦兹的儿童 模式 1、2
    9. 漫画和 1
    10. 中原和 1
    11. 皮卡丘 1 , 2
    12. 1、2位置 ​
    13. 机器人 1、2、3
    14. 尺寸 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18
    15. 白色巩膜 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6
    16. 梦路风格和 1
  22. eyes
    1. babies and 1
    2. cooperative eye hypothesis 1
    3. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
    4. elongated 1, 2
    5. eyebrows 1, 2, 3, 4
    6. eye contact/gazing, mutual 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    7. ‘Goo-goo’ 1
    8. Lorenz’s child schema and 1, 2
    9. manga and 1
    10. Nakahara and 1
    11. Pikachus 1, 2
    12. position of 1, 2
    13. robot 1, 2, 3
    14. size 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18
    15. white sclera 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    16. Yumeji style and 1
  1. 面孔
    1. 温度为 1
    2. 加宽 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6
  2. faces
    1. temperature of 1
    2. widening of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  3. 扇子,折叠 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  4. fan, folding 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  5. 粉丝 大会1、2、3、4
  6. fan conventions 1, 2, 3, 4
  7. 精品 1、2
  8. fancy goods 1, 2
  9. 时尚
    1. 雌雄同体的外观和 1 , 2
    2. Cutequake 和 1
    3. 原宿风格 1、2
    4. 洛丽塔 1、2、3、4
    5. 女学生 1 , 2 , 3
    6. 部落 1
  10. fashion
    1. androgynous look and 1, 2
    2. Cutequake and 1
    3. Harajuku style 1, 2
    4. Lolita 1, 2, 3, 4
    5. schoolgirl 1, 2, 3
    6. tribes 1
  11. 菲利克斯猫 1
  12. Felix the Cat 1
  13. 战斗或逃跑反应 1
  14. fight or flight response 1
  15. 芬兰食品管理局 1
  16. Finnish Food Authority 1
  17. 第一次世界大战(1914年至1918年) 1
  18. First World War (1914–18) 1
  19. 调情 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
  20. flirtation 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  21. 伊丽莎·李·福伦:《三只小猫》
  22. Follen, Eliza Lee: ‘Three Little Kittens’
  23. 狐狸
    1. 亲和行为/社会纽带 和 1、2
    2. 墓葬,最早的狐人 1
    3. 驯化 综合症 和 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
    4. 面部“表情”,可爱度 1
    5. 人与人的关系史 1 , 2
    6. 嬉戏动物卷轴1 , 2
    7. 西伯利亚银狐 实验 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
    8. 狡猾、狡猾的行为 1
    9. 藏王 狐狸1、2
  24. fox
    1. affiliative behaviour/social bonds and 1, 2
    2. burial, earliest fox-human 1
    3. domestication syndrome and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
    4. facial ‘expression’, cuteness of 1
    5. people and, history of relationship 1, 2
    6. Scroll of Frolicking Animals and 1, 2
    7. Siberian silver fox experiment 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
    8. sly, cunning behaviour 1
    9. Zaō Fox Village 1, 2
  25. 弗洛伊德,西格蒙德 1
  26. Freud, Sigmund 1
  27. 友好度 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8
  28. friendliness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
  29. 藤冈、静香 1
  30. Fujioka, Shizuka 1
  31. 毛皮 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13
    1. 花斑 1 , 2 , 3
  32. fur 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
    1. piebald 1, 2, 3
  33. 毛茸茸 1 , 2 , 3
  34. furries 1, 2, 3
  35. 毛皮科学(国际拟人化研究项目) 1
  36. Furscience (International Anthropomorphic Research Project) 1
  37. 兽设 1 , 2
  38. fursona 1, 2
  39. 兽 装 1、2、3、4、5
  40. fursuits 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  1. 盖恩斯伯勒 ,托马斯蓝色 男孩 》 1、2、3、4
  2. Gainsborough, Thomas: Blue Boy 1, 2, 3, 4
  3. 高尔顿,弗朗西斯 1
  4. Galton, Francis 1
  5. 凝视,相互 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  6. gazing, mutual 1, 2, 3, 4
  7. 1 , 2
  8. geese 1, 2
  9. 生成式人工智能 1
  10. Generative AI 1
  11. 遗传学 、 驯化 和 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
    1. 另请参阅驯化
  12. genetics, domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
    1. See also domestication
  13. 金斯伯格,本森 1
  14. Ginsburg, Benson 1
  15. 女孩们
    1. 头像 1
    2. “ 爸爸的女儿 1、2
    3. 娃娃和 1 , 2 , 3
    4. 表情符号和 1
    5. 日本 小说/ 插图杂志 和 1、2、3、4、5、6
    6. 卡哇伊和1、2、3、4
    7. 洛丽塔 时尚文化1、2、3、4
    8. 《魔法少女》 1
    9. 漫画和 1 , 2 , 3
    10. 媒体关注女孩文化 1
    11. 淘气变得和风骚联系 在一起 1,2
    12. 1、2肖像 ​
    13. 女学生形象查看女学生 Shirley Temple 和1的图像
    14. 日语 刻板 印象 1、2、3、4、5
    15. 泰迪 女孩1,2
    16. Uneeda 饼干女孩 1
  16. girls
    1. avatars 1
    2. ‘Daddy’s girl’ 1, 2
    3. dolls and 1, 2, 3
    4. emoji and 1
    5. Japanese novels/illustrated magazines and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    6. kawaii and 1, 2, 3, 4
    7. Lolita fashion subculture 1, 2, 3, 4
    8. ‘magical girls’ 1
    9. manga and 1, 2, 3
    10. media focus on girls’ culture 1
    11. mischievousness becomes associated with coquettishness 1, 2
    12. portraits of 1, 2
    13. schoolgirl image see schoolgirl Shirley Temple and image of 1
    14. stereotypes of Japanese 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    15. Teddy Girl 1, 2
    16. Uneeda Biscuit girl 1
  17. 土耳其哥贝克力石阵遗址 1
  18. Göbekli Tepe site, Turkey 1
  19. 金豺 1
  20. golden jackal 1
  21. 金粉双胞胎 1
  22. Gold Dust Twins 1
  23. 好管家 1
  24. Good Housekeeping 1
  25. 谷歌 1
  26. Google 1
  27. 东京豪德寺 1 , 2
  28. Gotokuji Temple, Tokyo 1, 2
  29. 古尔德,斯蒂芬·杰伊:《生物学
  30. Gould, Stephen Jay: ‘A Biological
  31. 向 米老鼠 致敬 ' 1、2、3、4、5、6
  32. Homage to Mickey Mouse’ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  33. 东京大地震(1924年) 1
  34. Great Tokyo Earthquake (1924) 1
  35. 古巴尔,玛拉 1
  36. Gubar, Marah 1
  1. 萩尾,Moto 1 , 2 ; They Were Eleven 3
  2. Hagio, Moto 1, 2; They Were Eleven 3
  3. 俳句 1
  4. haiku 1
  5. 半色调丝网印刷 1
  6. halftone screenprinting 1
  7. 东京原宿 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  8. Harajuku, Tokyo 1, 2, 3, 4
  9. 哈雷,布莱恩 12
  10. Hare, Brian 1, 2
  11. 哈泼周刊 1 , 2
  12. Harper’s Weekly 1, 2
  13. 哈特利,大卫 1
  14. Hartley, David 1
  15. 哈佛大学 1
  16. Harvard University 1
  17. 今天又玩得开心了! 1
  18. Having Fun Again Today! 1
    1. 1、2上有 花斑颜色
    2. 形状 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13
    3. 尺寸 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
  19. head
    1. piebald coloration on 1, 2
    2. shape 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
    3. size 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
  20. 赫恩,拉夫卡迪奥 1
  21. Hearn, Lafcadio 1
  22. 赫恩,塞缪尔 1
  23. Hearne, Samuel 1
  24. 平安时代 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11
  25. Heian era 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
  26. 高度 1 , 2 , 3
  27. height 1, 2, 3
  28. 凯蒂猫 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12
  29. Hello Kitty 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
  30. 亨德森上校鲍勃 1 , 2
  31. Henderson, Colonel Bob 1, 2
  32. 亨利,威廉 一世
  33. Henry, William 1
  34. 希戈内特,安妮 1
  35. Higonnet, Anne 1
  36. 欣德, 罗伯特· A . 1,2,3
  37. Hinde, Robert A. 1, 2, 3
  38. 平平风格1、2
  39. hirahira style 1, 2
  40. 葛饰北斋 1
  41. Hokusai 1
  42. 荷兰玻璃 1
  43. Holland glass 1
  44. Hololive 制作 1
  45. Hololive Productions 1
  46. 类人猿 1 , 2
  47. hominids 1, 2
  48. 直立人 1
  49. Homo erectus 1
  50. 胡夫,Jan van 1
  51. Hooff, Jan van 1
  52. 霍华德·史密斯,斯蒂芬妮 1
  53. Howard-Smith, Stephanie 1
  54. 赫迪,莎拉 12
  55. Hrdy, Sarah 1, 2
  56. 哈德逊湾 1
  57. Hudson Bay 1
  58. 拥抱 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  59. hugging 1, 2, 3, 4
  60. 赫伊津哈,约翰 1
  61. Huizinga, Johan 1
  62. 狩猎采集者 1 , 2
  63. hunter-gatherers 1, 2
  64. 休伦,大卫 1
  65. Huron, David 1
  1. 理想新奇玩具公司 1
  2. Ideal Novelty and Toy Company 1
  3. 池田理代子:凡尔赛玫瑰 1
  4. Ikeda, Riyoko: The Rose of Versailles 1
  5. 未成熟 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  6. immaturity 1, 2, 3, 4
  7. 移民 1 , 2
  8. immigration 1, 2
  9. 伊纳里 1
  10. Inari 1
  11. 耶鲁大学婴儿认知中心 1
  12. Infant Cognition Center, Yale University 1
  13. 纯真 , 童年 的 概念1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15
  14. innocence, concept of childhood 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15
  15. 西伯利亚新西伯利亚细胞学和遗传学研究所 1
  16. Institute of Cytology and Genetics, Novosibirsk, Siberia 1
  17. iPhone 1
  18. iPhone 1
  19. Ishy(狐狸) 1
  20. Ishy (fox) 1
  21. 岛屿规则 1
  22. Island Rule 1
  23. 日本伊豆泰迪熊博物馆 1
  24. Izu Teddy Bear Museum, Japan 1
  1. 美国JAB犬科动物教育与保护中心 1 , 2
  2. JAB Canid Education and Conservation Center, US 1, 2
  3. 日本
    1. 古代日本,可爱于 一身
    2. 男孩们来看男孩们
    3. 当代日本,可爱于 一身
    4. 表情符号并查看表情符号
    5. 女孩们在女孩
    6. 以群体为导向的价值观,可爱和 1
    7. 孤立主义外交政策(sakoku1
    8. 日本主义, 崇拜 和 1 , 2 , 3
    9. 卡哇伊,看看卡哇伊
    10. 漫画和漫画
    11. 过度刺激的人,卡哇伊1
    12. 可爱巅峰, 1时代
    13. 玩乐和观看游戏
    14. 二十世纪前的可爱
    15. 被定型为充满可爱事物和可爱人的土地 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    16. 女人在女人
    17. 另请参阅个别地区和地名
  4. Japan
    1. ancient Japan, cuteness in 1
    2. boys in see boys
    3. contemporary Japan, cuteness in 1
    4. emoji and see emoji
    5. girls in see girls
    6. group-oriented values within, cuteness and 1
    7. isolationist foreign policy (sakoku) 1
    8. Japonisme, cult of and 1, 2, 3
    9. kawaii and see kawaii
    10. manga and see manga
    11. overstimulation of people, kawaii and 1
    12. peak cuteness, era of 1
    13. playfulness and see play
    14. pre-twentieth-century history of cuteness in 1
    15. stereotyped as land full of cute things and cute people 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    16. women in see women
    17. See also individual area and place name
  5. 巴黎 1日本博览会
  6. Japan Expo, Paris 1
  7. 日本国家旅游局 1
  8. Japan National Tourist Organization 1
  9. 钳口,缩短 12345
  10. jaws, shortening of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  11. 琼森,本 1
  12. Jonson, Ben 1
  1. 假名(日语拼音字母)1
  2. kana (phonetic Japanese alphabet) 1
  3. 嘉娜宝 1
  4. Kanebo 1
  5. 金坂,艾丽卡 1 , 2
  6. Kanesaka, Erica 1, 2
  7. 羞红了脸(因兴奋或尴尬而脸红)1
  8. kawahayushi (face turned red from excitement or embarrassment) 1
  9. 卡哇伊
    1. 美国 可爱1、2、3、4、5
    2. 动物和动物结合力1
    3. 自下而上的美学 1
    4. 男孩和男孩当代日本和1
  10. kawaii
    1. American cute and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    2. animals and see animals bonding force 1
    3. bottom-up aesthetic 1
    4. boys and see boys contemporary Japan and 1
  11. Cutequake 和 1
    1. 驯化,参见驯化
    2. 表情符号并查看表情符号
    3. 女孩和女孩
    4. 日本社会的群体导向价值观和 1
    5. 隐士王国和 1
    6. 1的历史
    7. 卡哇伊! ” 喊叫 1、2、3、4、5、6
    8. 语言/圆形文字 1
    9. 漫画,并查看漫画的起源/词源1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    10. 过度刺激 1
    11. 可爱巅峰, 1时代
    12. 受欢迎程度 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    13. 二十世纪前的 历史
    14. 女人,看看女人
    15. 尤鲁1
  12. Cutequake and 1
    1. domestication and see domestication
    2. emoji and see emoji
    3. girls and see girls
    4. group-oriented values of Japanese society and 1
    5. Hermit Kingdom and 1
    6. history of 1
    7. Kawaii!’ cry 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    8. language/rounded script 1
    9. manga and see manga origins/etymology of 1, 2, 3, 4
    10. overstimulation by 1
    11. peak cuteness, era of 1
    12. popularity of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    13. pre-twentieth-century history of 1
    14. women and see women
    15. yuru and 1
  13. 可爱江户画展,东京1
  14. Kawaii Edo Paintings exhibition, Tokyo 1
  15. kawayui(对社会弱势群体的同情)1
  16. kawayui (sympathy towards weaker members of society) 1
  17. 基顿,巴斯特 1
  18. Keaton, Buster 1
  19. 基恩,唐纳德 1 , 2 , 3
  20. Keene, Donald 1, 2, 3
  21. kenage(尽力克服障碍的小东西)1
  22. kenage (something small that is doing its best to overcome an obstacle) 1
  23. 丘比 娃娃1、2、3、4
  24. Kewpie dolls 1, 2, 3, 4
  25. 丘比蛋黄酱 1 , 2
  26. Kewpie Mayonnaise 1, 2
  27. 和服 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11
  28. kimono 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
  29. 木村拓也 1
  30. Kimura, Takuya 1
  31. 木村佑 1
  32. Kimura, Yū 1
  33. 亲属模式。参见子模式 亲属识别1、2
  34. Kindchenschema. See child schema kin-recognition 1, 2
  35. 绊爱 1
  36. Kizuna AI 1
  37. 古斯塔夫·克里姆特 1
  38. Klimt, Gustav 1
  39. 尼克博克 1
  40. Knickerbocker 1
  41. 克林格尔巴赫,莫滕 1 , 2
  42. Kringelbach, Morten 1, 2
  43. 歌川国芳 1 , 2 ;
    1. 月,猫发情期 1
  44. Kuniyoshi, Utagawa 1, 2;
    1. Spring Moon, Cats in Heat 1
  45. 狂言1
  46. kyōgen dances 1
  47. 日本京都 1 , 2 , 3
  48. Kyoto, Japan 1, 2, 3
  49. 京都国际漫画博物馆 1
  50. Kyoto International Manga Museum 1
  1. 妇女家庭杂志 1
  2. Ladies’ Home Journal 1
  3. 女士储物室 1
  4. Ladies’ Repository 1
  5. 拉赫蒂宁,玛丽亚 1
  6. Lahtinen, Maria 1
  7. 拉马尔,托马斯 1
  8. Lamarre, Thomas 1
  9. 兰姆,查尔斯 1
  10. Lamb, Charles 1
  11. 哈巴狗 1 , 2
  12. lapdogs 1, 2
  13. Leech,约翰 1
  14. Leech, John 1
  15. 李若英 1,2
  16. Lee, O-Young 1, 2
  17. 腿,小 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  18. legs, small 1, 2, 3, 4
  19. 勒奎恩,乌尔苏拉·K. 1
  20. Le Guin, Ursula K. 1
  21. 史蒂芬·莱文森 1
  22. Levinson, Stephen 1
  23. 林肯,亚伯拉罕 1
  24. Lincoln, Abraham 1
  25. 小小叛逆者(电影)1
  26. Littlest Rebel, The (film) 1
  27. 洛克,约翰 1 , 2 , 3
  28. Locke, John 1, 2, 3
  29. 洛丽塔 时尚1、2、3、4
  30. Lolita fashion 1, 2, 3, 4
  31. 洛德,凯瑟琳 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  32. Lord, Kathryn 1, 2, 3, 4
  33. 康拉德·洛伦兹
    1. 模式’ ( Kindchenschema1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20
    2. 人与狗的邂逅 1
    3. 纳粹党和 1 , 2 , 3
    4. 垃圾场驯化理论和 1 , 2
    5. 社会印记和 1 , 2 , 3
  34. Lorenz, Konrad
    1. ‘child schema’ (Kindchenschema) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20
    2. Man Meets Dog 1
    3. Nazi Party and 1, 2, 3
    4. rubbish-dump theory of domestication and 1, 2
    5. social imprinting and 1, 2, 3
  35. 洛杉矶时报 1
  36. Los Angeles Times 1
  37. 皮埃尔·洛蒂:菊花夫人 1
  38. Loti, Pierre: Madame Chrysanthème 1
  39. LOVOT 机器人1、2
  40. LOVOT robot 1, 2
  1. 杂志 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13
  2. magazines 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13
  3. Maksa( 狐狸1、2
  4. Maksa (fox) 1, 2
  5. 妈妈(阿尔法 黑猩猩 1、2
  6. Mama (alpha chimpanzee) 1, 2
  7. 漫画 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17
  8. manga 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17
  9. 井盖 1、2
  10. manhole covers 1, 2
  11. 蝠鲼(虎) 1
  12. Mantacore (tiger) 1
  13. 进步之路 1
  14. March of Progress 1
  15. 旁注 1
  16. marginalia 1
  17. 马凯特大学(密尔沃基) 1
  18. Marquette University, Milwaukee 1
  19. 吉祥物 1、2、3、4
  20. mascots 1, 2, 3, 4
  21. 男子气概 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6
  22. masculinity 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  23. 松木、文京
    1. 日本艺术家材料 目录1
    2. 白兔店 波士顿 1、2
  24. Matsuki, Bunkio
    1. Catalogue of Japanese Artists’ Materials 1
    2. White Rabbit shop, Boston 1, 2
  25. 马克斯普朗克研究所 1
  26. Max Planck Institute 1
  27. 梅,西蒙 1
  28. May, Simon 1
  29. 第一代
  30. Me generation 1
  31. 黑色素 1
  32. melanin 1
  33. 模因 1
  34. memes 1
  35. 孟德尔,格雷戈尔 1
  36. Mendel, Gregor 1
  37. 米老鼠 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11
  38. Mickey Mouse 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
  39. 天皇:吉尔伯特与沙利文 1
  40. Mikado, The: Gilbert and Sullivan 1
  41. 米哈伊尔(狐狸) 1
  42. Mikhail (fox) 1
  43. 神轿(微型神社)1
  44. mikoshi (miniature shrines) 1
  45. 小型化 1
  46. miniaturisation 1
  47. 日本外务省 1
  48. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan 1
  49. 吟游表演 1
  50. minstrel shows 1
  51. 恶作剧 /淘气 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17
  52. mischief/naughtiness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17
  53. 错误回应 1
  54. misplaced responses 1
  55. 克劳德·莫奈 1 , 2
  56. Monet, Claude 1, 2
  57. 猴子音乐剧 ( sarugaku ) 1
  58. monkey musical (sarugaku) 1
  59. 蒙田,米歇尔·德· 1
  60. Montaigne, Michel de 1
  61. 森永拓郎 1
  62. Morinaga, Takurō 1
  63. 1、2、3、4
  64. mouths 1, 2, 3, 4
  65. 莫扎特,沃尔夫冈·阿马德乌斯 1
  66. Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 1
  67. 村上隆 1 , 2
  68. Murakami, Takashi 1, 2
  69. 室生、佐生 1
  70. Murō, Sasei 1
  71. 音乐 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
  72. music 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
  73. 明惠 1
  74. Myōe 1
  1. 内藤符文 1 , 2 , 3
  2. Naito, Rune 1, 2, 3
  3. 中原淳一 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
  4. Nakahara, Junichi 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  5. 美洲 原住民1、2、3
  6. Native American 1, 2, 3
  7. 纳粹党 1
  8. Nazi Party 1
  9. 尼安德特人 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  10. Neanderthal 1, 2, 3, 4
  11. 持续 幼年 特征 持续 成年1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9
  12. neoteny (persistence of juvenile traits into adulthood) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
  13. Netflix 1
  14. Netflix 1
  15. 神经1、2、3
  16. neural crest 1, 2, 3
  17. 新几内亚唱犬 1 , 2
  18. New Guinea singing dogs 1, 2
  19. 孩子 1、2、3、4
  20. New Kid 1, 2, 3, 4
  21. 纽约 时报1、2、3、4
  22. New York Times 1, 2, 3, 4
  23. 纽约论坛报 1
  24. New York Tribune 1
  25. 纽约世界 1
  26. New York World 1
  27. 报纸 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10
  28. newspapers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
  29. 日产 1
  30. Nissan 1
  31. 入东野浩 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  32. Nittono, Hiroshi 1, 2, 3, 4
  33. 诺贝尔奖 1,2
  34. Nobel Prize 1, 2
  35. 1
  36. noh dances 1
  37. 北美 1、2、3、4、5、6
  38. North America 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  39. 怀旧 1、2、3、4
  40. nostalgia 1, 2, 3, 4
  1. 种族政策办公室 1
  2. Office of Race Policy 1
  3. 冈石 1
  4. okashi 1
  5. 大京、丸山 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  6. Ōkyo, Maruyama 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  7. 东京表参道之丘 1
  8. Omotesando Hills, Tokyo 1
  9. 奥尼尔,罗西 1 , 2
  10. O’Neill, Rosie 1, 2
  11. 折纸 1
    1. 鸽子运势 1 , 2
  12. origami 1
    1. pigeon fortunes 1, 2
  13. 原罪 1 , 2 , 3
  14. original sin 1, 2, 3
  15. 宅族( 商店和娱乐场所)1、2
  16. otaku (shops and entertainment establishments) 1, 2
  17. Ōtuska , Eiji 1,2
  18. Ōtuska, Eiji 1, 2
  19. 我们的年轻人 1
  20. Our Young Folks 1
  21. 牛津英语词典 1
  22. Oxford English Dictionary 1
  23. 催产 1,2
  24. oxytocin 1, 2
  1. 传呼机 1
  2. pagers 1
  3. 哑剧 1,2
  4. pantomime 1, 2
  5. 帕尔科 1
  6. Parco 1
  7. 孔雀尾巴 1
  8. peacock’s tail 1
  9. 梨子儿童香皂 1
  10. Pears Soap children 1
  11. 佩里,准将马修 1
  12. Perry, Commodore Matthew 1
  13. 透视图 1
  14. perspective view 1
  15. 宠物 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11
  16. pets 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
  17. piccaninny 1 , 2 , 3
  18. piccaninny 1, 2, 3
  19. 花斑 1
  20. piebald 1
  21. 东京鸽子森林神社 1
  22. Pigeon Forest shrine, Tokyo 1
  23. 皮卡丘 1
    1. 疫情 1、2、3
  24. Pikachu 1
    1. Outbreak 1, 2, 3
  25. 可塑性 1 , 2
  26. plasticity 1, 2
    1. 成人嬉戏 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    2. 美式可爱审美和 1
    3. 动物和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16
    4. 儿童游戏1
    5. 角色扮演 1、2、3
    6. 驯化和 1 , 2
    7. 日本文化和 1 , 2 , 3
    8. 中世纪欧洲和 1
    9. 神轿 1
    10. 宠物和 1
    11. 与神一起玩耍(kami asobi1
    12. 宗教1、2、3、4之间历史联系 ​
    13. 机器人和 1 , 2 , 3
    14. 卢梭和 1
    15. 嬉戏动物卷轴 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12
    16. 社会参与和 1
    17. VTubers 1、2
    18. 异想天开的可爱和 1
  27. play
    1. adult playfulness 1, 2, 3, 4
    2. American cute aesthetic and 1
    3. animals and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
    4. Children’s Games and 1
    5. cosplay 1, 2, 3
    6. domestication and 1, 2
    7. Japanese culture and 1, 2, 3
    8. medieval Europe and 1
    9. mikoshi 1
    10. pets and 1
    11. playing with the gods (kami asobi) 1
    12. religion and, historical connection between 1, 2, 3, 4
    13. robots and 1, 2, 3
    14. Rousseau and 1
    15. Scroll of Frolicking Animals 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
    16. social engagement and 1
    17. VTubers and 1, 2
    18. whimsical cuteness and 1
  28. 丰满度 1 , 2 , 3
  29. plumpness 1, 2, 3
  30. 可 梦 1、2、3、4
  31. Pokémon 1, 2, 3, 4
  32. 精灵宝可梦Go 1
  33. Pokémon Go 1
  34. 可怜的小富家女(电影)1
  35. Poor Little Rich Girl (film) 1
  36. 瓷器 1、2、3、4
  37. porcelain 1, 2, 3, 4
  38. 色情研究 1
  39. Porn Studies 1
  40. 催乳素 1
  41. prolactin 1
  42. 贾科莫·普契尼:蝴蝶夫人 1
  43. Puccini, Giacomo: Madame Butterfly 1
  44. 哈巴狗 1 , 2
  45. pugs 1, 2
  46. 冲孔 1
  47. Punch 1
  48. 小狗 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17、18、19、20、21、22、23
  49. puppies 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23
  50. 小天使(小 天使1、2
  51. putti (cherubs) 1, 2
  1. 种族
    1. 婴儿秀和 1
    2. 黑脸吟游表演和 1
    3. 儿童 崇拜 1、2、3、4
    4. 洛伦兹/纳粹 1、2
    5. 新来的 孩子图片1、2
    6. “ piccaninny 1、2、3
    7. 种族 科学1,2
    8. 汤姆叔叔的小屋1
  2. race
    1. baby shows and 1
    2. blackface minstrel shows and 1
    3. cult of the child and 1, 2, 3, 4
    4. Lorenz/Nazi Party and 1, 2
    5. New Kid image and 1, 2
    6. ‘piccaninny’ 1, 2, 3
    7. race science 1, 2
    8. Uncle Tom’s Cabin and 1
  3. 破烂安妮娃娃 1
  4. Raggedy Ann dolls 1
  5. 铁路安全海报,日语 1
  6. railway safety posters, Japanese 1
  7. 拉斐尔: 西斯廷圣母 1、2
  8. Raphael: Sistine Madonna 1, 2
  9. 阳光小溪农场的丽贝卡(电影)1
  10. Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm (film) 1
  11. 红十字会 1
  12. Red Cross 1
  13. 宗教 与 趣味 1、2、3、4、5、6之间 历史联系
  14. religion and fun, historical connection between 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  15. 文艺复兴 1、2、3
  16. Renaissance 1, 2, 3
  17. 雷诺兹,约书亚爵士 1 , 2 , 3
    1. 纯真年代 1
    2. 克鲁少校 饰 亨利八世 1
  18. Reynolds, Sir Joshua 1, 2, 3
    1. The Age of Innocence 1
    2. Master Crewe as Henry VIII 1
  19. 机器人 1、2、3、4
  20. robots 1, 2, 3, 4
  21. 洛可可时期 1 , 2 , 3
  22. rococo period 1, 2, 3
  23. 罗斯福,泰迪 1
  24. Roosevelt, Teddy 1
  25. 玫瑰津, 长泽 1 , 2 , 3
  26. Rosetsu, Nagasawa 1, 2, 3
  27. 让·雅克·卢梭 1 , 2 , 3
  28. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 1, 2, 3
  29. 埃米尔 1
  30. Emile 1
  31. 符文熊猫 1 , 2
  32. Rune Panda 1, 2
  33. 略写法(用简短的笔触勾勒 人物轮廓技巧)1、2
  34. ryakugashiki (technique of outlining characters using brief brushstrokes) 1, 2
  35. 京都龙安寺 1
  36. Ryōanji Temple, Kyoto 1
  1. 安托万·圣埃克苏佩里:小王子 1
  2. Saint-Exupéry, Antoine de: The Little Prince 1
  3. 武士 1、2、3、4
  4. samurai 1, 2, 3, 4
  5. 圣地亚哥动物园 1
  6. San Diego Zoo 1
  7. 旧金山观察家报 1
  8. San Francisco Examiner 1
  9. 三丽鸥 1 , 2 , 3
  10. Sanrio 1, 2, 3
  11. 萨波斯基,罗伯特 1
  12. Sapolsky, Robert 1
  13. 莎拉(作者的毛茸茸的 表妹) 1,2
  14. Sarah (furry cousin of author) 1, 2
  15. 女学生
    1. 表情符号和 1
    2. 《魔法少女》 1
    3. 浪漫的女学生形象, 1的诞生
    4. 学生 时尚 1、2、3
  16. schoolgirl
    1. emoji and 1
    2. ‘magical girls’ 1
    3. romantic schoolgirl image, birth of 1
    4. schoolgirl fashion 1, 2, 3
  17. 嬉戏动物卷轴 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12
  18. Scroll of Frolicking Animals 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
  19. 西雅图,美国 1 , 2
  20. Seattle, US 1, 2
  21. 第二次世界大战( 1939 年 19451、2、3、4
  22. Second World War (1939–45) 1, 2, 3, 4
  23. 血清 1,2
  24. serotonin 1, 2
  25. 塞佩尔,詹姆斯 1
  26. Serpell, James 1
  27. 性欲
    1. 倭黑猩猩和 1
    2. 儿童和 1 , 2
    3. 异性恋 1
    4. 无辜者 1 , 2
    5. 史前人类和 1
  28. sexuality
    1. bonobos and 1
    2. children and 1, 2
    3. heterosexuality 1
    4. innocent 1, 2
    5. prehistoric humans and 1
  29. 性选择 1
  30. sexual selection 1
  31. 写实日本画1
  32. shasei (realistic Japanese painting) 1
  33. 清水优子 1
  34. Shimizu, Yuko 1
  35. 神道 1、2、3
  36. Shinto 1, 2, 3
  37. 少女文化1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8
  38. shōjo culture 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
  39. 少女的朋友, 1
  40. Shōjo’s Friend, The 1
  41. 少纳言,清:枕草子 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9
  42. Shōnagon, Sei: The Pillow Book 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
  43. 齐格弗里德和罗伊 1
  44. Siegfried and Roy 1
  45. 西格妮·莉迪亚 1 , 2
    1. 关于耶卡特 》 1、2
    2. 生命 书信1,2
    3. 小家伙们的谚语 1
  46. Sigourney, Lydia 1, 2
    1. ‘Concerning Ye Catte’ 1, 2
    2. Letters of Life 1, 2
    3. Sayings of Little Ones 1
  47. 简单 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12
  48. simplicity 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12
  49. 头骨形状 1 , 2
  50. skull shape 1, 2
  51. 斯莱德,托比 1
  52. Slade, Toby 1
  53. 闹剧喜剧 1、2
  54. slapstick comedy 1, 2
  55. 1
    1. 武器和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    2. 娃娃1、2
    3. 驯化和 1234567891011121314
    4. 日本主义1 , 2 , 3
    5. 卡哇伊文化和1
    6. kenage(尽力克服障碍的小东西)1
    7. 腿和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    8. 洛伦兹和 1 , 2
    9. 内藤和 1
    10. 神经嵴和 1 , 2
    11. Ōkyo 和 1
    12. 精灵宝可梦 1 , 2
    13. 西格妮 1、2
    14. 《枕草子》《1》《2》《3》《4》《5》《6》
  56. smallness 1
    1. arms and 1, 2, 3, 4
    2. dolls and 1, 2
    3. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14
    4. Japonisme and 1, 2, 3
    5. Kawaii culture and 1
    6. kenage (something small that is doing its best to overcome an obstacle) 1
    7. legs and 1, 2, 3, 4
    8. Lorenz and 1, 2
    9. Naito and 1
    10. neural-crest and 1, 2
    11. Ōkyo and 1
    12. Pokémon 1, 2
    13. Sigourney and 1, 2
    14. The Pillow Book and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  57. 微笑 1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8
    1. 仙女的微笑 1
    2. 狐狸和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
    3. 社交微笑 1
  58. smile 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
    1. fairy smiles 1
    2. fox and 1, 2, 3, 4
    3. social smiles 1
  59. 鼻子 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6
  60. snout 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
  61. 社会参与
    1. 婴儿/ 儿童 和 1、2、3、4、5、6
    2. 可爱 作为 1、2、3、4、5释放者
    3. 1、2
    4. 驯化和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9
    5. 灵活的 社交性 1,2
    6. 狐狸和 1 , 2 , 3
    7. 相互凝视和 1 , 2
    8. 神经嵴假说和 1
    9. 玩和 1
    10. 自我驯化假说和 1
    11. 社会认知和 1
    12. 社会印记和 1 , 2 , 3
    13. 社交微笑 1
    14. 社会 阶段 1、2、3、4
  62. social engagement
    1. babies/children and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    2. cuteness as releaser of 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    3. dogs and 1, 2
    4. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    5. flexible sociality 1, 2
    6. fox and 1, 2, 3
    7. mutual gazing and 1, 2
    8. neural-crest hypothesis and 1
    9. play and 1
    10. self-domestication hypothesis and 1
    11. social cognition and 1
    12. social imprinting and 1, 2, 3
    13. social smiles 1
    14. socialisation period 1, 2, 3, 4
  63. 社交媒体 1
  64. social media 1
  65. 长崎耶稣会 1
  66. Society of Jesuits, Nagasaki 1
  67. 柔软体表 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  68. soft body surface 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  69. 索尼 1
  70. Sony 1
  71. 索比,安吉拉 1 , 2 , 3
  72. Sorby, Angela 1, 2, 3
  73. 高音调的声音 1
  74. sounds, high-pitched 1
  75. S关系(S-kankei1
  76. S relationships (S-kankei) 1
  77. 舞台剧,儿童 剧 1
  78. stage plays, children’s 1
  79. 星球大战(电影)1
  80. Star Wars (film) 1
  81. 威利号汽船(动画片)1
  82. Steamboat Willie (cartoon) 1
  83. 史泰福 1
  84. Steiff 1
  85. 圣尼古拉斯杂志1、2
  86. St. Nicholas magazine 1, 2
  87. 哈里特·比彻·斯托:《汤姆叔叔的小屋 1》
  88. Stowe, Harriet Beecher: Uncle Tom’s Cabin 1
  89. 重音 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
  90. stress 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  91. 毛绒动物 1 , 2
  92. stuffed animals 1, 2
  93. 末永、幸穗 1 , 2 , 3
  94. Suenaga, Yukiho 1, 2, 3
  95. Suki(Blanche Bates 的日本女佣) 1
  96. Suki (Japanese maid of Blanche Bates) 1
  97. 向日葵Himawari1
  98. Sunflower (Himawari) 1
  1. 高桥真 1
  2. Takahashi, Macoto 1
  3. 、 梦 1、2、3、4
  4. Takehisa, Yumeji, 1, 2, 3, 4
  5. 竹内宏 1
  6. Takeuchi, Hiroshi 1
  7. 竹内直子:美少女战士 1
  8. Takeuchi, Naoko: Sailor Moon 1
  9. 源氏物语 1
  10. Tale of Genji, The 1
  11. 玉川,凯瑟琳 1
  12. Tamagawa, Kathleen 1
  13. 驯服度 1
  14. tameability 1
  15. 泰迪熊 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    1. 日本伊豆泰迪熊博物馆 1
    2. 泰迪 女孩1,2
  16. teddy bears 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    1. Izu Teddy Bear Museum, Japan 1
    2. Teddy Girl 1, 2
  17. 牙齿
    1. 变黑 1 , 2
    2. 尺寸 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
  18. teeth
    1. blackened 1, 2
    2. size 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  19. 帝氏皇后 1
  20. Teishi, Empress 1
  21. 坦普尔,雪莉 ​​ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  22. Temple, Shirley 1, 2, 3, 4
  23. 手塚治虫 1、2、3
  24. Tezuka, Osamu 1, 2, 3
  25. “太可爱了!” 1
  26. ‘That’s so baby!’ 1
  27. 《无法伤害的小男孩》(基顿杂耍剧首演) 1
  28. ‘The Little Boy Who Can’t Be Damaged’ (Keaton vaudeville debut) 1
  29. 伦敦德鲁里巷皇家剧院 1
  30. Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, London 1
  31. 泰奥弗拉斯托斯 1
  32. Theophrastus 1
  33. 拇指汤姆将军(查尔斯·斯特拉顿饰) 1
  34. Thumb, General Tom (Charles Stratton) 1
  35. 时代杂志1
  36. Time magazine 1
  37. 蒂索,詹姆斯 1 , 2
  38. Tissot, James 1, 2
  39. 户田有希子 1 , 2
  40. Toda, Yukiko 1, 2
  41. 日本 东京1、2、3、4、5、6、7、8、9、10、11、12、13、14、15、16、17。 ​
    1. 另请参阅Edo Tom Thumb 婚礼1
  42. Tokyo, Japan 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17.
    1. See also Edo Tom Thumb weddings 1
  43. 短暂,欣赏 1 , 2 , 3
  44. transience, appreciating 1, 2, 3
  45. 特鲁特,柳德米拉 1
  46. Trut, Lyudmila 1
  47. 如何驯服狐狸以及养狗1
  48. How to Tame a Fox (and Build a Dog) 1
  49. 二十世纪福克斯 1
  50. Twentieth Century Fox 1
  51. 崔吉 1
  52. Twiggy 1
  1. 野英 三郎教授 1、2
  2. Ueno, Professor Hidesaburō 1, 2
  3. 无意识选择 1 , 2
  4. unconscious selection 1, 2
  5. Uneeda 饼干女孩 1
  6. Uneeda Biscuit girl 1
  7. 不快乐 1
  8. unhappiness 1
  9. 美国
    1. 敏锐/狡猾,美国可爱审美的起源和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    2. 亚裔 美国 女性1,2
    3. 1、2、3亚洲移民 ​
    4. 宝宝 出现 在 1、2、3、4、5、6、7
    5. 动画片和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
    6. 可爱美学在二十世纪占据主导 地位
    7. “ 入侵”日本(1854年 1、2
    8. 日本卡哇伊美国可爱 , 1、2、3、4、5、6之间的 关系
    9. “ 儿童世纪”和“可爱” 兴起
    10. 黄祸”
  10. United States
    1. acute/cunning, origins of American cute aesthetic and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    2. Asian American women 1, 2
    3. Asian immigrants in 1, 2, 3
    4. baby shows in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
    5. cartoons and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    6. cute aesthetic dominates twentieth century in 1
    7. ‘invades’ Japan (1854) 1, 2
    8. Japanese kawaii and American cute, relationship between 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    9. ‘the century of the child’ and/rise of cuteness in 1, 2
    10. ‘yellow peril’ in 1
  11. 世界博览会(1878年)1
  12. Universal Exhibition (1878) 1
  13. 美国海军 1
  14. US Navy 1
  15. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4
  16. utsukushi 1, 2, 3, 4
  1. 梵高,文森特 1
    1. 日本主义1,2
    2. 睡莲 1
  2. Van Gogh, Vincent 1
    1. Japonisme and 1, 2
    2. Water Lilies 1
  3. 维多利亚时代 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5
  4. Victorian era 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
  5. 越南战争(1955-75年) 1
  6. Vietnam War (1955–75) 1
  7. 维克多( 狐狸1、2
  8. Viktor (fox) 1, 2
  9. 时尚 1
  10. Vogue 1
  11. 弗里兰,黛安娜 1
  12. Vreeland, Diana 1
  13. VTubers ( 虚拟主播1、2
  14. VTubers (virtual streamers) 1, 2
  1. 瓦尔,弗兰斯 ·1,2
  2. Waal, Frans de 1, 2
  3. 侘寂(侘寂,质朴而稀疏的优雅)1
  4. wabi-sabi (rustic simplicity and sparse elegance) 1
  5. 沃伦,拉维尼娅 1
  6. Warren, Lavinia 1
  7. 异想天开的可爱 1 , 2 , 3
  8. whimsical cuteness 1, 2, 3
  9. 怀特,丹尼尔 1
  10. White, Daniel 1
  11. 威廉姆斯,琳达 1
  12. Williams, Linda 1
  13. 威廉姆斯,瓦内萨 1
  14. Williams, Vanessa 1
  15. 绿野仙踪(电影)1
  16. Wizard of Oz, The (film) 1
  17. 摇摆 动作1、2、3
  18. wobbly movements 1, 2, 3
    1. 驯化和 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9
    2. 狼事件 1
  19. wolf
    1. domestication and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
    2. Wolf Event 1
  20. 女性
    1. 广告商和 1
    2. 婴儿 1、2
    3. 1的教育
    4. 表情符号和 1
    5. 可爱和1的性别
    6. hirahira风格1、2
    7. 纯真的性行为和 1 , 2
    8. 日本女权主义者批评“卡哇伊
    9. 日本主义1
    10. 可爱语言/圆形脚本和1
    11. 可爱的男子气概和1
    12. 丘比和 1 , 2
    13. 生活方式的领导者,年轻女性成为 1
    14. 漫画和 1
    15. 中原和 1
    16. 传呼机和 1
    17. 1、2岁 母乳喂养的 宠物
    18. 女学生形象,看看女学生自我驯化和12
    19. 少女 1
    20. “S关系”(S-kankei1
    21. 日语 刻板 印象 1、2、3、4、5
    22. 斯多葛主义 1
    23. 服从 1 , 2 , 3
    24. 选举权 1 , 2
    25. 《枕草子》《1》《2》《3》《4》
    26. 汤姆拇指 婚礼 1、2
    27. “女人的手”,用(onna-de1书写
    28. 梦路风格和 1
  21. women
    1. advertisers and 1
    2. baby shows and 1, 2
    3. education of 1
    4. emoji and 1
    5. gendering of cute and 1
    6. hirahira style and 1, 2
    7. innocent sexuality and 1, 2
    8. Japanese feminists criticise kawaii 1
    9. Japonisme and 1
    10. kawaii language/rounded script and 1
    11. kawaii masculinity and 1
    12. Kewpies and 1, 2
    13. lifestyle leaders, young women emerge as 1
    14. manga and 1
    15. Nakahara and 1
    16. pagers and 1
    17. pets breastfed by 1, 2
    18. schoolgirl image and see schoolgirl self-domestication and 1, 2
    19. shōjo 1
    20. ‘S relationships’ (S-kankei) 1
    21. stereotypes of Japanese 1, 2, 3, 4, 5
    22. stoicism 1
    23. subservience 1, 2, 3
    24. suffrage 1, 2
    25. The Pillow Book and 1, 2, 3, 4
    26. Tom Thumb weddings and 1, 2
    27. ‘woman’s hand’, writing in a (onna-de) 1
    28. Yumeji style and 1
  22. 木版画(浮世绘1
  23. woodblock prints (ukiyo-e) 1
  24. 华兹华斯,威廉 1
  25. Wordsworth, William 1
  26. 兰厄姆,理查德 1
  27. Wrangham, Richard 1
  28. 温妮,克莱夫 1
  29. Wynne, Clive 1
  1. “黄祸” 1
  2. ‘yellow peril’ 1
  3. 日本横滨 1
  4. Yokohama, Japan 1
  5. 四方田,犬彦 1 , 2 , 3
  6. Yomota, Inuhiko 1, 2, 3
  7. 吉也信子 1 , 2
    1. 花的故事 1
  8. Yoshiya, Nobuko 1, 2
    1. Flower Tales 1
  9. 青年
    1. 文化从淘气可爱转向甜美、青春可爱 1
    2. 原宿青年文化 1
    3. 漫画和 1
    4. 米老鼠 和 1、2、3、4、5、6
    5. 幼态持续和 1 , 2
    6. 新来的孩子和 1 , 2
    7. 延长 1
    8. 普及教育使美国和日本的青年文化得以涌现 1
    9. 青春品质 1
    10. 青年震荡 1
  10. youth
    1. cultural shift from mischievous cuteness towards sweet, youthful cuteness 1
    2. Harajuku youth culture 1
    3. manga and 1
    4. Mickey Mouse and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
    5. neoteny and 1, 2
    6. New Kid and 1, 2
    7. prolonging 1
    8. universal education allows new youth cultures to emerge in US and Japan 1
    9. youthful qualities 1
    10. Youthquake 1
  11. 浴衣(无衬棉夏季和服)1
  12. yukata (unlined cotton summer kimono) 1
  13. yuru( 不稳定/业余/不完美1、2、3
  14. yuru (wobbly/amateurish/imperfect) 1, 2, 3
  15. yuru kyara(吉祥物角色)1 , 2
  16. yuru kyara (mascot character) 1, 2
  1. 扎努克,达里尔 1
  2. Zanuck, Darryl 1
  3. 藏王狐狸村 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7
  4. Zaō Fox Village 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
  5. 斑马 1
  6. zebras 1
  7. 泽利泽,维维安娜 1
  8. Zelizer, Viviana 1
  9. 禅宗哲学 1
  10. Zen philosophy 1